Santiago Uribe Surrenders to Police to Begin 28-Year Sentence

Multiple homicides attributed to the paramilitary group 'Los 12 Apóstoles,' including the murder of bus driver Camilo Barrientos and Jorge Yubán Ceballos.
A room adjacent to the police station where they could move in and out unseen
How Los 12 Apóstoles operated within the institution meant to stop them.

Santiago Uribe turned himself in to authorities after the Supreme Court upheld his 28-year, 3-month sentence for homicide and criminal conspiracy. He was convicted of organizing 'Los 12 Apóstoles' paramilitary group and involvement in the murder of bus driver Camilo Barrientos, with evidence of state agent complicity.

  • Santiago Uribe sentenced to 28 years, 3 months for homicide and criminal conspiracy
  • Convicted of organizing paramilitary group Los 12 Apóstoles and involvement in murder of bus driver Camilo Barrientos
  • Investigation began in 1995; police lieutenant Juan Carlos Meneses testified in 2010 that Uribe provided money for killings
  • Supreme Court rejected final appeal on June 10, 2026

Santiago Uribe, brother of former Colombian president Álvaro Uribe, has surrendered to police to serve a 28-year sentence for forming a paramilitary group and murder. The Supreme Court of Justice confirmed the conviction after rejecting his appeal.

Santiago Uribe walked into a police station on his own terms this week to begin serving a 28-year sentence, a moment his brother, former Colombian president Álvaro Uribe Vélez, announced Tuesday night on social media. The surrender came after Colombia's Supreme Court of Justice rejected Santiago's final appeal and upheld a conviction that had been building for three decades.

The charges were stark: homicide and criminal conspiracy. Santiago Uribe had been found guilty of organizing a paramilitary group called Los 12 Apóstoles and of orchestrating—or at minimum enabling—the murder of Camilo Barrientos, a bus driver in Yarumal, Antioquia. The group was also linked to the killing of Jorge Yubán Ceballos. What made the case particularly damaging was the evidence that state agents had been involved. The paramilitary operation was not some rogue militia; it had been woven into the machinery of local law enforcement.

The investigation had begun in 1995, when Los 12 Apóstoles was operating under the command of Pedro Manuel Benavides and a police lieutenant named Juan Carlos Meneses. Years later, in 2010, Meneses told investigators that Uribe had provided money for the killings and that the group maintained a room adjacent to the police station—a space that allowed them to move in and out of the building without drawing attention on the street. The arrangement was efficient and deliberate.

In the case of Barrientos specifically, court documents laid out the mechanics of the crime. Uribe received information about the target's movements and passed it along to other members of the organization. Working with someone known as Rodrigo, they identified who would locate the victim and who would carry out the execution. It was not a spontaneous act of violence but a coordinated operation.

The Antioquia Superior Court had convicted Uribe in the second instance, and when the Supreme Court reviewed the case, it found no reason to overturn the decision. The sentence was set at 28 years and three months. When Santiago's legal team filed an extraordinary appeal for cassation—a last resort in the Colombian system—the Supreme Court's Criminal Chamber rejected it as inadmissible. There was nowhere left to go.

The case is part of a longer reckoning in Colombia with paramilitary violence and the question of how deeply state actors were implicated in extrajudicial killings. Los 12 Apóstoles was not an isolated criminal enterprise; it operated with the knowledge and participation of police officers, suggesting a system in which murder could be outsourced, funded, and protected from within the institutions meant to prevent it. The group's activities were framed, in the court's language, as a campaign of so-called social cleansing—a euphemism for targeted killings of people deemed undesirable.

Now Santiago Uribe will spend the next three decades in prison, and the case will remain a reference point in Colombian legal history—a reminder that even family connections to the highest levels of power do not exempt someone from accountability when the evidence is clear and the courts are willing to act.

Santiago Uribe arrived at a police station of his own accord to comply with the arrest order
— Former President Álvaro Uribe Vélez, via social media
Uribe received information about the target's movements, passed it to other members, and helped identify who would locate and execute the victim
— Supreme Court of Justice ruling on the Camilo Barrientos murder
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Inventor

Why did Santiago Uribe turn himself in rather than fight the conviction further?

Model

Because there was nowhere left to fight. The Supreme Court rejected his final appeal. At that point, resistance becomes futile—and perhaps he understood that voluntary surrender might be seen as accepting responsibility, which can matter in how a sentence is served.

Inventor

The paramilitary group operated out of a room next to a police station. How does that even happen?

Model

It happens when the line between law enforcement and organized crime dissolves. The police lieutenant was part of it. They had a space to move through without being seen. It wasn't hidden in the mountains—it was hidden in plain sight, inside the institution itself.

Inventor

What does this case say about Colombia's ability to hold powerful people accountable?

Model

It says the courts can do it, but it takes time. This investigation started in 1995. It took three decades to reach a final conviction. That's both a success and an indictment—success that it happened at all, an indictment that it took so long.

Inventor

Was Santiago Uribe the mastermind, or was he following orders?

Model

The court found he was coordinating. He received information, passed it along, helped identify targets. He wasn't pulling triggers, but he was essential to the machinery. That's enough for conspiracy and homicide charges.

Inventor

What happens to the other people involved—the police officers, the people who actually killed Barrientos?

Model

That's the question the case leaves open. Meneses testified in 2010, but the documents don't say what happened to him or to the others. Sometimes in these cases, lower-level actors disappear from the record.

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