A leap into the abyss—that's what Colombians feared most
Petro secured victory in the runoff with 11+ million votes, representing a historic shift toward leftist governance in traditionally conservative Colombia. His campaign moderated its tone and broadened coalition-building with traditional politicians, contrasting with his 2018 polarizing approach that lost to Iván Duque.
- Gustavo Petro won with 11+ million votes in the June 19, 2022 runoff
- M-19 takeover of Palace of Justice in 1985 killed 98 people, 11 disappeared
- Petro was removed as Bogotá mayor in 2013 but restored by international court in 2014
- He finished second to Iván Duque in 2018 but won in 2022 with a moderated campaign
Left-wing candidate Gustavo Petro won Colombia's presidential election with over 11 million votes, becoming the country's first leftist president. He faces challenges uniting a polarized nation while managing his controversial past as an M-19 guerrilla member.
Gustavo Petro crossed a threshold on June 19, 2022, that no leftist politician in Colombia had crossed before. With more than 11 million votes in the runoff election, he became the country's first president from the left, ending decades of right-wing dominance in a nation that had grown accustomed to viewing radical change as a path to ruin. At 62, born in 1960 in Ciénaga de Oro in the northern department of Córdoba, Petro was making his third run for the presidency—and this time, the math worked.
His journey to the palace had been anything but straightforward. As a young man, he joined the M-19, an urban socialist guerrilla group that became infamous for two acts that would shadow his political career: the 1978 theft of weapons from a military fortress through a tunnel, and the seizure of the Palace of Justice on November 6, 1985. During that two-day occupation, 350 people were held hostage—judges, court employees, visitors. When the military retook the building, 98 people died and 11 more vanished. Petro has consistently maintained he was not present for the Palace takeover; he says he was being tortured in an Army barracks across the city at the time. After the M-19 demobilized in 1990, returning Bolívar's sword as a symbolic gesture of peace, Petro moved into electoral politics. He served as a congressman, went into exile for security reasons, worked as a diplomat in Belgium under President Ernesto Samper, and eventually won election as Bogotá's mayor in 2011. That tenure ended in removal by the Procuraduría in 2013 over his handling of a garbage collection crisis, but the humiliation paradoxically elevated him. Images of him defending himself in public plazas, crowds filling the Plaza de Bolívar in his support, created a narrative of a politician persecuted by the establishment. An international court victory in 2014 restored his mayoral title and cemented his image as a man fighting the system.
In 2018, Petro finished second to Iván Duque, losing to a campaign that weaponized fear—the specter of Venezuela, the warning that Petro meant communism and chaos. Many Colombians, terrified of radical change in a deeply conservative country, voted against him rather than for Duque. This time, Petro recalibrated. He softened his rhetoric, built alliances with traditional politicians like Armando Benedetti and Roy Barreras, both former Uribistas who had shifted allegiance. He reached toward evangelical pastors. The strategy worked, but it also drew criticism from his own left flank, particularly feminists who felt he had not adequately addressed machismo within his movement or taken their concerns seriously.
Petro's platform centered on reorienting the economy around life itself rather than extraction. He spoke of protecting Colombia's natural wealth, deepening democracy, and building an economy based on production and knowledge rather than oil and minerals. "It is not possible for Latin America—whether you call it left or right—to live by extracting gas, oil, or copper," he had told CNN in 2021. "The only possibility for sustainable development is knowledge, is production." Yet his opponents continued to paint him as a threat to stability, a closet communist, a danger to traditional values. Conspiracy theories circulated in evangelical churches that he would bring homosexuality, communism, Satan himself. Political analyst Jorge Andrés Hernández, speaking before the election, noted that Colombia was a country where large change was still widely seen as a leap into the abyss, where Petro generated visceral passions—people either idolized him or despised him with equal intensity.
Now, with his victory secured, Petro faces the task of governing a fractured nation. He must unite progressive sectors while managing the deep skepticism of those who see him as a radical threat. He carries the weight of his guerrilla past, the stigma his opponents will not release, and the burden of proving that a leftist government can deliver stability and growth. The second runoff, analysts predicted, would see nearly everyone arrayed against him. What comes next will test whether his moderated campaign tone reflects a genuine shift in approach or merely a tactical pause.
Citações Notáveis
It is not possible for Latin America to live by extracting gas, oil, or copper. The only possibility for sustainable development is knowledge, is production.— Gustavo Petro, in an interview with CNN in 2021
Colombia is a country where a great change is seen as a leap into the abyss, and Petro generates visceral passions—people either idolize him or despise him with equal intensity.— Jorge Andrés Hernández, political analyst
A Conversa do Hearth Outra perspectiva sobre a história
Why did Petro's removal as mayor in 2013 actually help him politically?
Because it created the image of a man being persecuted by the system. When crowds filled the Plaza de Bolívar to defend him, it was something Colombians hadn't seen in decades. He became the outsider fighting the establishment, not just another politician.
But he's not really an outsider anymore—he won by building alliances with traditional politicians.
That's the paradox. He had to moderate to win, to bring in people like Benedetti and Barreras who came from the Uribe machine. But that moderation itself angered parts of his base, especially feminists who felt abandoned.
What about the M-19 past? Does that actually matter to voters?
It matters enormously to his opponents, who use it to paint him as dangerous. But Petro has a response: he wasn't at the Palace of Justice, he was being tortured elsewhere. For his supporters, his guerrilla history is almost a credential—proof he's serious about change.
Is Colombia actually ready for a leftist president?
That's what the election answered. But readiness and acceptance are different things. Colombia is deeply conservative. Many people voted for him not because they embraced his vision, but because they were tired of the right. Now he has to prove the change won't be catastrophic.
What's the biggest threat to his presidency?
Polarization. Analysts say nearly everyone will be arrayed against him in Congress. He'll have to govern a country where half the population sees him as a savior and half sees him as a threat to everything they value.