Kast's First Cabinet Reshuffle: Security and Communications Get New Leadership

Results aren't immediate. There are no magic solutions.
President Kast defending the reshuffle and the government's early performance to a skeptical public.

Ministers Trinidad Steinert (Security) and Mara Sedini (Communications) removed after 69 days due to failed initiatives, poor public perception, and declining presidential approval to 36%. Claudio Alvarado now holds dual Interior-Spokesperson roles; Louis de Grange adds Public Works to Transportation; Martín Arrau assumes Security portfolio based on presidential trust.

  • Cabinet reshuffle at 69 days—fastest since 1990
  • Presidential approval fell to 36%, disapproval at 58%
  • Trinidad Steinert (Security) and Mara Sedini (Communications) removed
  • Claudio Alvarado now holds Interior and Spokesperson roles
  • Martín Arrau moved from Public Works to Security Ministry

Chilean President José Antonio Kast made his fastest cabinet change since 1990, removing security and communications ministers after poor public approval ratings and operational failures.

Sixty-nine days into his presidency, José Antonio Kast made a decision he said he hadn't planned for. On a Tuesday in late May, he removed two cabinet ministers whose tenures had become liabilities: Trinidad Steinert, who led the Security Ministry, and Mara Sedini, the government's spokesperson. It was the fastest cabinet reshuffle since Chile's return to democracy in 1990, and it signaled something urgent: the initial design of his administration wasn't working.

Kast framed the move carefully. "I didn't expect this, and it wasn't what I had in mind for this stage," he told the assembled room, "but given the country's sense of urgency and the tasks Chile has entrusted to us, this adjustment is necessary." The word "adjustment" was deliberate—less dramatic than "purge," more measured than "crisis." But the numbers told a different story. His approval rating had fallen to 36 percent, with 58 percent disapproving. Sedini, the spokesperson tasked with selling the government's message, had become its worst-evaluated minister at just 24 percent approval. Steinert, responsible for security—the issue that had dominated Kast's campaign—sat at 36 percent, also among the lowest.

Steinert's departure was the more consequential. She had inherited one of the government's most fraught portfolios: restoring order in a country where organized crime and drug trafficking had metastasized over years without serious resistance. But her tenure had been marked by missteps that accumulated into a crisis of confidence. She had struggled to articulate a coherent security plan, stumbled through congressional presentations on security measures, failed in an attempt to invoke the State Security Law after an assault on the Science Minister, and had become entangled in a controversy over her role in the detention of an autonomist community leader in Temucuicui. An interpellation was coming. Worse, the Comptroller General's office was investigating her involvement in the removal of a senior PDI official—a decision that could prove deeply damaging when results were announced that very Wednesday.

Sedini's problems were different but equally corrosive. She had been unable to communicate the government's message with clarity. She tangled with opposition figures, and her public appearances generated criticism; she never looked comfortable in the role. Together, the two ministers had become symbols of a government that had promised emergency, order, and rapid execution but delivered confusion and drift.

The reshuffle also revealed a strategic shift. Claudio Alvarado, the Interior Minister, would now also serve as government spokesperson—a consolidation that suggested Kast wanted to centralize political control rather than distribute it. Louis de Grange, already Transport Minister, would add Public Works to his portfolio. Martín Arrau, departing Public Works, would take over Security. The move toward "biministers"—officials holding two portfolios—reflected not efficiency but a tightening of the circle around the president. Arrau's appointment to Security seemed less about expertise in public safety and more about presidential trust and political control.

In the Montt-Varas salon, Kast offered emotional farewells. He thanked Steinert for taking on "one of the most complex and urgent challenges our nation faces," and spoke of the need to restore tranquility to families and state authority against organized crime. Both departing ministers wept. The ceremony carried the weight of a difficult but necessary decision—or at least, that was the intended message. Kast spoke of hard choices, of speaking truth even when it brought bad news, of the need to "put the house in order" so investors would return confidence to Chile. "With order and serious work, things will improve," he said. "Results aren't immediate. There are no magic solutions."

The opposition in Congress was less forgiving. Socialist senator Juan Luis Castro saw only "lack of capacity, lack of message, lack of expertise." PPD senator Raúl Soto called it "two months of disastrous government—improvisation, sloppiness, lack of plan and strategy." Even within the ruling coalition, there were careful notes. RN senator María José Gatica expressed hope that those assuming "high political and technical relevance" positions would have the necessary capabilities. The government had a state address scheduled for June 1 and a meeting at the presidential residence in Viña del Mar on Friday to reset the narrative. The reshuffle was meant to buy time and credibility. Whether it would work remained an open question.

I didn't expect this, and it wasn't what I had in mind for this stage, but given the country's sense of urgency and the tasks Chile has entrusted to us, this adjustment is necessary.
— President José Antonio Kast
Two months of disastrous government—improvisation, sloppiness, lack of plan and strategy.
— PPD Senator Raúl Soto
La Conversación del Hearth Otra perspectiva de la historia
Inventor

Why move so fast? Seventy days is barely enough time to understand a ministry, let alone fix it.

Model

Because the numbers were screaming. Approval at 36 percent, disapproval at 58. Sedini was the worst-evaluated minister in the cabinet. When your spokesperson can't speak for you, and your security minister can't secure anything, you don't have the luxury of patience.

Inventor

But Steinert had inherited a genuinely difficult problem. Crime doesn't solve itself in two months.

Model

True. But she didn't just fail to solve it—she failed to explain what she was doing about it. Congress didn't understand her plan. The public didn't see one. And then there was the PDI scandal, the failed State Security Law request, the interpellation coming. She became a symbol of the government's confusion, not its strength.

Inventor

So Kast removed her to change the symbol.

Model

Partly. But also because keeping her was becoming unsustainable. The Comptroller's office was about to release findings on her involvement in removing a senior PDI official. That could have been catastrophic.

Inventor

And Sedini?

Model

She was supposed to tell the story of the government. Instead, she got tangled in fights with the opposition and never looked comfortable doing the job. When your spokesperson is the problem, you can't message your way out of it.

Inventor

So now Alvarado does both—Interior and spokesperson.

Model

Which signals that Kast wants to tighten control. Less distributed messaging, more centralized political direction. It's a bet that Interior can manage the narrative better than a dedicated communications minister could.

Inventor

Does that usually work?

Model

Not always. It depends on whether the underlying problems—crime, economic confidence, public trust—actually improve. You can control the message, but you can't control reality for long.

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