China now enjoys higher favorability in a majority of surveyed nations
For the first time in Pew Research Center's polling history, China and Xi Jinping register higher global favorability than the United States and Donald Trump across a broad sample of major nations — a reversal that speaks to something deeper than a single survey cycle. The world's opinion of a superpower is rarely a verdict on geography alone; it is a running ledger of promises kept, partnerships honored, and crises navigated. What this moment records is a meaningful shift in how much of humanity is weighing that ledger, and finding the balance tipped in an unfamiliar direction.
- For the first time in Pew's decades of tracking, China's favorability has overtaken America's across multiple major nations — a threshold once considered unlikely has quietly been crossed.
- The gap is not marginal: respondents in many countries now view both China and Xi Jinping more positively than the US and Trump, suggesting the shift is as much about leadership perception as national identity.
- Nations in Asia, Africa, and parts of Latin America are driving the movement, drawn by Chinese investment and development partnerships, while American foreign policy decisions have left some allies questioning Washington's reliability.
- Soft power is diplomatic currency — China's favorability gain translates into real leverage in trade negotiations, technology standard-setting, and coalition-building on the world stage.
- American policymakers face a credibility challenge that rhetoric alone cannot solve; the Pew data signals that the window for reversing the trend may be narrowing with each passing policy choice.
A new Pew Research Center survey has documented something that would have seemed improbable in earlier decades: China and Xi Jinping now hold higher favorability ratings than the United States and Donald Trump across a significant cross-section of major countries. It is the first time in Pew's polling history that this threshold has been crossed, and the gap is meaningful rather than marginal.
The shift extends beyond abstract impressions of national character to the leaders themselves. Xi Jinping's standing has risen while Trump's has fallen, pointing to the role that personal leadership and associated policies play in shaping how the world takes the measure of a superpower. The timing matters — this polling captures a moment when American international commitments are being questioned, while China has positioned itself as an active partner in global infrastructure and development.
The drivers are layered. Countries that have benefited from Chinese investment or trade tend to view Beijing more warmly. Meanwhile, American foreign policy choices — trade tensions, shifting alliances, questions about reliability — have eroded goodwill in regions where US favorability once held firm. The pandemic further reshuffled perceptions, with different nations drawing different conclusions about how each superpower responded.
Geographically, the change is uneven but telling. Nations across Asia, Africa, and parts of Latin America have moved most decisively toward China, while traditional Western allies still lean toward the US — though even those margins have narrowed. The picture that emerges is of a world less willing to accept binary superpower allegiances and more inclined to follow immediate national interest.
The stakes are concrete. Favorability is soft power, and soft power shapes who gets heard in international negotiations, whose technology standards get adopted, and whose security proposals find willing partners. For American policymakers, the Pew findings are less a final judgment than a warning: the decline is not irreversible, but reversing it will require demonstrable changes in how the United States engages with the world — not just a change in tone, but in choices.
A new survey from Pew Research Center has documented a striking reversal in how the world sees two superpowers. For the first time in the organization's polling history, China and its leader Xi Jinping now register higher favorability ratings than the United States and Donald Trump across a significant sample of major countries. The finding marks a watershed moment in global perception—one that reflects years of shifting sentiment about American and Chinese influence on the world stage.
The Pew study measured attitudes in multiple nations, capturing a broad cross-section of international opinion. What emerges is not a marginal difference but a meaningful gap: respondents in many countries now view China more positively than they view the US. This represents a dramatic departure from the polling patterns of recent decades, when American favorability typically held steady or exceeded China's in most regions. The reversal is particularly striking given the scale of Pew's research apparatus and the rigor with which it tracks these metrics over time.
The shift in perception extends beyond abstract notions of national character to the leaders themselves. Xi Jinping's favorability has climbed while Trump's has declined, suggesting that personal leadership and the policies associated with each administration play a role in shaping global attitudes. The timing is significant: this polling captures sentiment in a moment when the US faces questions about its international commitments, while China has positioned itself as an active participant in global infrastructure and development initiatives.
Several factors appear to be driving the change. Economic relationships matter—countries that have benefited from Chinese investment or trade partnerships may view Beijing more favorably. Conversely, American foreign policy decisions over the past several years, including trade tensions, military withdrawals, and shifting alliances, have left some nations questioning the reliability of US partnership. The pandemic also reshaped perceptions, with different countries responding differently to how each superpower handled the crisis and its aftermath.
Geographically, the favorability shift is not uniform. The pattern suggests that nations in Asia, Africa, and parts of Latin America have moved more decisively toward viewing China positively, while some Western allies of the United States maintain more traditional alignments. Yet even in regions where the US has historically held sway, the margin has narrowed considerably. This fragmentation of global opinion reflects a world in which countries are less willing to accept a binary choice between superpowers and more willing to pursue relationships based on immediate national interest.
The implications are substantial. Diplomatic leverage depends partly on soft power—the ability to be liked and trusted. If China now enjoys higher favorability in a majority of surveyed nations, it gains an advantage in international negotiations, coalition-building, and the ability to set global norms. Countries may be more receptive to Chinese proposals on trade, technology standards, or security arrangements. Conversely, the US faces a credibility challenge: restoring favorability will require not just rhetorical shifts but demonstrable changes in how it engages with the world.
For American policymakers, the Pew findings represent a wake-up call about the state of US standing abroad. The decline is not inevitable or irreversible, but it reflects real choices and real consequences. How the US responds—whether through renewed investment in alliances, a recalibration of foreign policy priorities, or efforts to address the specific grievances driving the shift—will shape the next chapter of great power competition. The world's opinion of America is not fixed. But the Pew data suggests that the window for reversing current trends may be narrowing.
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The finding marks a watershed moment in global perception, reflecting years of shifting sentiment about American and Chinese influence— Pew Research Center findings
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What exactly did Pew measure here? Are we talking about favorability toward the government, the country as a whole, or something else?
The survey captured general favorability toward both China and the US as countries, and separately toward their leaders. So it's a blend—how people feel about the nation's direction, its influence, and who's steering it. That's why Xi and Trump's personal ratings matter alongside the country-level numbers.
Is this a one-time finding, or has Pew been tracking this shift over years?
Pew has been measuring these attitudes for a long time, which is what makes this moment significant. This is the first time China has come out ahead. So we're not looking at a blip—we're looking at a trend that's been building.
Which countries are driving this? Is it everywhere, or concentrated in certain regions?
It's not uniform. Asia, Africa, and parts of Latin America have shifted more decisively toward China. But even in regions traditionally aligned with the US, the gap has narrowed. That's the real story—it's not just that some countries prefer China now. It's that the margin of American advantage has collapsed almost everywhere.
What's actually causing people to view China more favorably? Is it propaganda, or are there material reasons?
Both, probably. Chinese investment in infrastructure and trade partnerships creates real economic ties. But there's also the question of what people see from the US—trade wars, military pullbacks, shifting commitments. When countries feel abandoned or squeezed, they look elsewhere. China's been actively courting those relationships.
Does this mean the US is losing the ability to shape global outcomes?
Not entirely, but it's losing leverage. Soft power matters in diplomacy. If fewer countries trust or like you, they're less inclined to follow your lead on trade rules, technology standards, security arrangements. The US still has military and economic strength, but favorability is the currency of influence in peacetime.