Magyar sworn in as Hungary's PM, ending Orbán's 16-year rule

There can be no new beginning without confronting the past
Magyar signaled his government's commitment to investigating corruption and holding Orbán's officials accountable.

Magyar's Tisza party secured more votes and seats than any party in Hungary's post-Communist history, gaining a two-thirds majority to reshape governance. The new government plans to restore democratic institutions, investigate corruption under Orbán, and unlock €20 billion in frozen EU funds to revive Hungary's stagnant economy.

  • Péter Magyar sworn in Saturday as Hungary's prime minister, ending Viktor Orbán's 16-year rule
  • Tisza party won 141 of 199 parliamentary seats—a two-thirds majority and more votes than any post-Communist Hungarian party
  • Nearly 3.4 million Hungarians voted for Tisza; Orbán's Fidesz-KDNP coalition dropped from 135 seats to 52
  • Approximately $20 billion in EU funds frozen during Orbán's tenure remain to be unlocked
  • Hungary's new Parliament has 54 women lawmakers—more than a quarter of the total and the most in the nation's history

Péter Magyar was sworn in as Hungary's prime minister Saturday, ending Viktor Orbán's 16-year rule after his center-right Tisza party won a historic landslide with a two-thirds parliamentary majority.

On Saturday morning, Péter Magyar walked into Hungary's neo-Gothic Parliament building and took an oath that would end sixteen years of Viktor Orbán's rule. The 45-year-old lawyer, flanked by 140 of his Tisza party representatives, became prime minister after his center-right movement achieved something unprecedented in post-Communist Hungary: more votes and parliamentary seats than any party in the nation's modern history. The victory was not close. Tisza secured a two-thirds majority—141 of 199 seats—leaving Orbán's Fidesz-KDNP coalition with just 52, down from 135.

Outside Parliament, thousands gathered on Kossuth Square waving Hungarian and European Union flags, many wearing Tisza T-shirts. They had come for what Magyar called a "regime-change" celebration, watching the proceedings on large screens and erupting in cheers whenever the new prime minister appeared. The EU flag, which Orbán's government had removed from the Parliament building's facade in 2014, was raised again on Saturday afternoon—a symbolic gesture that captured what voters had demanded: a return to the West.

Magyar founded Tisza in 2024, just two years before the election, after spending years inside Orbán's party. He left Fidesz that same year, publicly denouncing what he called a culture of mass corruption. In his inaugural address to lawmakers, he spoke not of ruling but of serving, and he acknowledged the weight of what voters had entrusted to him. "I'm not standing here because I'm different from anyone else in the country," he said. "I stand here because millions of Hungarians decided that they want change." Nearly 3.4 million people had voted for Tisza, and many expected Magyar to hold the old regime accountable.

His government has already outlined its priorities. A new National Asset Recovery and Protection Office will investigate and recover public funds misused during Orbán's tenure. Magyar has vowed to suspend the news services of Hungary's public broadcaster—long seen as Orbán's mouthpiece—until objectivity returns. In his speech, he framed these actions as necessary: "There can be no new beginning without reconciliation. There can be no reconciliation without justice. And there can be no justice without confronting the past."

The economic stakes are substantial. Hungary's economy has stagnated for four years, and roughly $20 billion in EU funds remain frozen due to rule-of-law and corruption concerns under Orbán. Unlocking that money is among Magyar's top priorities. He is also far more aligned with the European Union and far more skeptical of Russia than his predecessor. Where Orbán frequently vetoed key EU decisions and cultivated ties to Moscow, Magyar has promised to repair Hungary's relationship with Brussels and reduce the country's energy dependency on Russia.

The new Parliament reflects a demographic shift as well. Of the 199 representatives sworn in at around 11 a.m. local time, 54 are women—more than a quarter of the total and the most in Hungary's history. Under Orbán, women held fewer government seats than in nearly all of the EU's other 26 member states. One attendee, economist Andrea Szepesi from Budapest, called it "about time." Another, 27-year-old web designer Áron Farsang, said he hoped the new government would restore democratic institutions and "lead us back toward the European Union" while ridding Hungary of Russian influence.

Orbán was not present for the swearing-in—the first time since Hungary's first post-Communist Parliament formed in 1990 that he was absent from such a ceremony. As Magyar prepared to address the crowd outside Parliament, the magnitude of the transition was unmistakable. Hungary's political alignment, its relationship with Europe, its approach to corruption, and its stance toward Russia all hung in the balance. What happens next will reshape not just Hungary but the European Union itself.

I stand here because millions of Hungarians decided that they want change. And this trust that we have received is both a weight of honor and a moral obligation.
— Péter Magyar, in his inaugural address to Parliament
There can be no new beginning without reconciliation. There can be no reconciliation without justice. And there can be no justice without confronting the past.
— Péter Magyar, addressing lawmakers on accountability for past abuses
A Conversa do Hearth Outra perspectiva sobre a história
Inventor

What made this moment so shocking? Orbán had been in power for sixteen years.

Model

He had built a system that seemed durable—control of media, courts, the bureaucracy. But something broke. People decided they wanted out, and they did it decisively. Nearly 3.4 million voted for change.

Inventor

Was Magyar always going to be the alternative, or did he emerge from nowhere?

Model

He was an insider first. He spent years in Orbán's party, saw the corruption up close, and left in disgust. That gave him credibility—he wasn't some outsider theorizing about what was wrong. He knew.

Inventor

The two-thirds majority is remarkable. What does that actually allow him to do?

Model

It means he can reshape institutions without compromise. Constitutional changes, investigations into the old regime, rebuilding the courts and media. He doesn't need Orbán's party or anyone else.

Inventor

There's something poignant about the EU flag going back up on the building. What does that symbolize?

Model

It's not just symbolism. Orbán had removed it in 2014. Putting it back says: we're choosing Europe, we're choosing democracy, we're choosing the West. It's a statement about direction.

Inventor

What about the women in Parliament—54 is historic for Hungary?

Model

Under Orbán, women were marginalized in government. Now they're more than a quarter of the chamber. It signals that this government is genuinely different, not just in rhetoric but in who gets a seat at the table.

Inventor

The frozen EU funds—how critical are those?

Model

Essential. Hungary's economy has been stagnant for four years. Twenty billion dollars would be transformative. But getting it requires proving you've fixed the corruption and rule-of-law problems. That's the real test ahead.

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