There's no longer any reason to keep this 6x1 schedule
Por décadas, o Brasil manteve uma das jornadas de trabalho mais longas do mundo, enquanto seus trabalhadores mais vulneráveis acumulavam horas que nenhuma lei jamais contabilizou. Agora, com o presidente Lula priorizando a reforma e o Senado já tendo aprovado a redução da semana para 36 horas e o fim do regime 6x1, o país se aproxima de um rearranjo profundo na relação entre tempo, dignidade e trabalho. O momento é raro: convergem pressão popular, precedente internacional e vontade política num ano eleitoral — e a pergunta que resta não é mais se a mudança virá, mas quão longe ela chegará.
- 472 mil trabalhadores entraram em licença por transtornos mentais em 2024 — um sinal de que o atual modelo já cobra seu preço em saúde e não apenas em horas.
- Sete propostas tramitam simultaneamente no Congresso, com visões que variam entre 36 e 40 horas semanais, criando um campo legislativo fragmentado que o governo quer unificar após o Carnaval.
- O setor empresarial prepara resistência, invocando o risco de aumento de custos e perda de empregos, mas hotéis e varejo já ensaiam adaptações diante do que parece inevitável.
- Mulheres, que acumulam até 11 horas extras diárias além do expediente formal, e trabalhadores com menor escolaridade — que chegam a 42 horas semanais — seriam os mais diretamente beneficiados pela reforma.
- Com o Senado já aprovando a versão mais ampla em comissão e a Câmara avançando em subcomissão, a janela política se estreita mas permanece aberta — e o governo sinaliza que não pretende deixá-la fechar.
A reforma trabalhista brasileira ganhou velocidade em fevereiro de 2026, quando o presidente Lula incluiu entre suas prioridades a redução da jornada semanal — de 44 horas para um intervalo entre 36 e 40 — e o fim do regime 6x1, que concede ao trabalhador apenas um dia de folga a cada seis de trabalho. Na mesma semana, o presidente da Câmara, Hugo Motta, prometeu acelerar o debate em sua casa. Para o senador Paulo Paim, autor de uma das propostas mais antigas ainda em tramitação, o momento parece finalmente decisivo.
Paim defende a PEC 148/2015 há anos. Em dezembro de 2025, a Comissão de Constituição e Justiça do Senado aprovou sua versão, que prevê a redução gradual para 36 horas e o fim do 6x1. A Câmara, por sua vez, avançou apenas até 40 horas em subcomissão especial e rejeitou a mudança de escala. Ao todo, sete propostas circulam pelo Congresso, assinadas por parlamentares de espectros opostos — do conservador Cleitinho à progressista Érika Hilton. O governo deve enviar seu próprio projeto com urgência constitucional após o Carnaval, numa tentativa de unificar os esforços dispersos.
Os números revelam uma exaustão estrutural. A redução para 40 horas beneficiaria cerca de 22 milhões de trabalhadores; para 36 horas, o alcance chegaria a 38 milhões. Trabalhadores com ensino fundamental completo chegam a 42 horas semanais em média, enquanto os com diploma universitário ficam em 37 — o que indica que a reforma favoreceria justamente os mais precarizados. As mulheres, que acumulam até 11 horas extras diárias além do trabalho formal, também seriam diretamente beneficiadas.
O Brasil destoa do cenário global: 67% dos trabalhadores formais ultrapassam 40 horas semanais, e a média nacional de 39 horas supera países como Estados Unidos, Portugal, Argentina e França. A Alemanha, referência em produtividade, registra média de 33 horas. Chile, Equador e México já aprovaram reduções semelhantes. Paim reconhece que o empresariado resistirá com o argumento do custo, mas aponta que parte do setor já se prepara para a mudança. E faz uma pergunta que ressoa além do plenário: se o Congresso concedeu a si mesmo escala mais generosa e aumento salarial, por que os trabalhadores comuns não mereceriam ao menos o fim do 6x1?
Brazil's labor reform push has suddenly shifted into high gear. In early February, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva placed two long-stalled worker protections on his government's priority list for the coming months: a reduction of the standard work week from 44 hours to somewhere between 36 and 40 hours, and the elimination of the 6x1 shift schedule—a grueling arrangement that grants workers just one day off for every six days worked. The same week, Hugo Motta, president of the Chamber of Deputies, promised the debate would accelerate in his chamber. For Paulo Paim, a senator from Rio Grande do Sul and author of one of the oldest proposals still pending, the moment feels decisive.
Paim has been pushing this agenda for years. His proposal, known as PEC 148/2015, sits ready for a full Senate vote. In December 2025, the Senate's Constitutional and Justice Committee approved his version, which would gradually reduce the maximum work week to 36 hours and eliminate the 6x1 schedule entirely. The Chamber, by contrast, approved only the gradual reduction to 40 hours in a special subcommittee and rejected the schedule change. Seven separate proposals are now circulating through Congress—four in the Chamber, three in the Senate—authored by lawmakers across the political spectrum, from the conservative Cleitinho to the leftist Érika Hilton. The government, sensing momentum in an election year, has signaled it will send its own bill with constitutional urgency after Carnival, potentially unifying the fragmented efforts.
The numbers tell a story of accumulated exhaustion. A reduction to 40 hours would benefit roughly 22 million workers; dropping to 36 hours would reach 38 million. Women, who accumulate as many as 11 extra hours of overtime daily on top of their formal shifts, would see direct relief. In 2024 alone, the National Social Security Institute recorded 472,000 workers taking leave for mental health disorders. Paim argues that shorter hours improve both physical and mental health, reduce burnout, and strengthen worker satisfaction. The data also reveals a stark inequality: workers with only primary education average 42 hours per week, while those with university degrees work 37. The reform, in other words, would most benefit the most precarious workers.
Brazil's work culture stands out globally—and not favorably. Official figures show 67 percent of formal workers exceed 40 hours weekly. The national average sits at 39 hours per week, higher than the United States, South Korea, Portugal, Spain, Argentina, Italy, and France. Germans, among the world's most productive workers, average just 33 hours. The European Union's mean is 36 hours, ranging from 32 in the Netherlands to 43 in Turkey. Chile and Ecuador both reduced their standard weeks to 40 hours in 2023. Mexico, which until recently had one of Latin America's longest weeks at 48 hours, has also approved a gradual reduction to 40.
Paim acknowledges that business will resist fiercely, trotting out the familiar argument that shorter hours will destroy jobs and raise labor costs. But he notes that the business sector—particularly hotels and retail—has already begun adapting to the inevitable. The political winds have shifted. He points to a recent vote in both chambers that granted federal legislators a more generous schedule: one day off for every three worked, plus salary increases. "If we can give that to the elite of the civil service," Paim asks, "why can't we give the end of 6x1 to the mass of workers?" The government's backing, the Senate's approval, the international precedent, and the sheer weight of public support in an election year have created an opening that may not come again soon.
Citas Notables
The moment is very favorable. We have President Lula's position, which is fundamental. The business sector is already adapting. There's no turning back—it's just a matter of time.— Senator Paulo Paim (PT-RS)
If we granted federal legislators one day off per three worked, why can't we grant the end of 6x1 to ordinary workers?— Senator Paulo Paim (PT-RS)
La Conversación del Hearth Otra perspectiva de la historia
Why does this moment feel different from the previous attempts to pass this reform?
Because Lula put it in his priority message to Congress, and the Senate already voted yes on the most aggressive version. That's not symbolic—that's institutional momentum. In an election year, when workers are paying attention, it's harder for politicians to ignore.
But the Chamber rejected the 6x1 elimination. Doesn't that suggest real resistance?
It does. But the government is now sending its own bill with constitutional urgency, which changes the calculus. And Paim is willing to compromise on which proposal wins, as long as something passes. That flexibility matters.
What about the business argument that this will cost jobs?
Paim says it's an old, worn-out argument. He points out that when you reduce hours, you don't reduce output—you distribute work across more people. More employment, not less. And the data shows Germany and the Netherlands are thriving with shorter weeks.
The women working 11 extra hours daily—is that the real story here?
It's part of it. The reform would hit them hardest because they're already carrying unpaid domestic work on top of their formal jobs. But it's also about the 472,000 mental health leave cases in 2024. The exhaustion is systemic.
Why did the legislators vote themselves a better schedule first?
That's the irony Paim keeps pointing to. It exposes the hypocrisy. Once you've admitted that one day off per three worked is reasonable for yourselves, you can't credibly argue that one day off per six is necessary for everyone else.
What happens after Carnival?
The government sends its bill. The Chamber debates it. If the political will holds, it could move fast. But business will mobilize. The real test is whether public support stays strong enough to overcome the lobbying.