It's not possible for this state to be governed by a militiaman.
Em um momento em que o Rio de Janeiro carrega o peso de décadas de conivência entre poder público e crime organizado, o presidente Lula escolheu um palco simbólico — a ciência e a saúde — para lançar um apelo urgente à governança e à justiça. Diante do governador interino Ricardo Couto, Lula inverteu as prioridades tradicionais do poder: não pontes nem viadutos, mas prisões e responsabilização. É um chamado que reconhece, ao mesmo tempo, os limites constitucionais do Estado federal e a urgência moral de um povo que há muito espera ser governado — e não dominado.
- O Rio de Janeiro, símbolo global de beleza e cultura, vive sob o controle silencioso de milícias e facções criminosas que ocuparam o espaço deixado pelo Estado.
- Lula rompeu o protocolo diplomático e falou diretamente ao governador interino: esqueça as obras, prenda os criminosos — inclusive os deputados ligados às milícias.
- O governo federal quer ampliar sua atuação na segurança pública dos estados, mas depende da aprovação da PEC 18/25 no Senado, que ainda aguarda votação.
- Couto tem entre seis e dez meses para agir — um prazo estreito para desfazer redes criminosas que operam há décadas com impunidade.
- A promessa de apoio federal existe, mas a execução — as investigações, as prisões, o desmantelamento das estruturas criminosas — recai sobre o governador interino.
No sábado, durante a inauguração de um centro de tecnologia em saúde na Fundação Oswaldo Cruz, o presidente Lula entregou uma mensagem sem rodeios ao governador interino do Rio de Janeiro, Ricardo Couto: o povo não quer obras. Quer prisões. "Ninguém está esperando você construir um viaduto", disse Lula. "O que as pessoas esperam de você nesses meses é isso: trabalhar para prender todos os ladrões que governaram esse estado. E os deputados que fazem parte de uma milícia organizada."
A dureza das palavras reflete a gravidade do problema. O Rio de Janeiro — cidade reconhecida no mundo inteiro — tornou-se também sinônimo de territórios dominados por facções e milícias. Lula não amenizou o diagnóstico: "Não é possível que a gente ouça nos jornais que o crime organizado tomou conta do território."
Couto foi nomeado pelo ministro do STF Cristiano Zanin em abril e tem uma janela de seis a dez meses para demonstrar resultados. Lula prometeu apoio federal, mas condicionou sua amplitude à aprovação da PEC 18/25 — emenda constitucional que criaria um Ministério da Segurança Pública e ampliaria a autoridade da União sobre a segurança nos estados. A proposta já passou pela Câmara e aguarda o Senado. Enquanto isso, a Constituição de 1988 limita a intervenção federal, deixando governadores, nas palavras do próprio Lula, como "reféns das polícias que deveriam comandar".
O recado presidencial foi ao mesmo tempo encorajamento e advertência. "Aproveite esses seis meses. Faça o que muita gente não fez em dez anos nesse estado", disse Lula. O que vem a seguir depende de três variáveis: a capacidade de Couto de efetivamente processar criminosos e milicianos enraizados no poder; a votação da PEC no Senado; e se o tempo disponível será suficiente para resultados concretos. O relógio está correndo.
President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva stood at the opening of a health technology center at the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation in Rio de Janeiro on Saturday and delivered a direct message to the state's interim governor, Ricardo Couto: forget the infrastructure projects. Forget the bridges and artificial beaches. The people of Rio want one thing—arrests.
"Nobody is waiting for you to build a viaduct," Lula said, his voice carrying the weight of a man speaking to a governor running out of time. "Nobody is waiting for you to build a bridge. What these people expect from you in these months is this: work to arrest all the thieves who governed this state. And the deputies who are part of an organized militia."
The president's words were blunt because the problem is blunt. Rio de Janeiro, the world's most famous city, has become synonymous not with its beaches or Christ the Redeemer but with the criminal organizations that have seized control of its territory. Lula did not soften the reality. "It's not possible," he said, "that we hear in the newspapers that organized crime has taken over the territory, that factions have taken over the territory." The statement hung in the air like an indictment.
Couto, who was appointed interim governor by Supreme Court Justice Cristiano Zanin in April, has a narrow window—somewhere between six and ten months—to prove he can deliver. Lula promised federal support, but the promise came with conditions. The president is waiting for the Senate to approve a constitutional amendment, known as PEC 18/25, that would create a new Ministry of Public Security. The amendment has already passed the Chamber of Deputies. Without it, Lula explained, the federal government's hands remain tied. The 1988 Constitution gives the Union limited authority over state-level security matters, leaving governors vulnerable to the very police forces they're supposed to command. "Many times, the governor becomes a hostage of the police," Lula said. "And then, he can't free himself anymore."
This is the structural problem beneath the immediate crisis. Rio's security failures are not simply the result of individual corruption or incompetence—though both exist. They are the product of a constitutional framework that fragments responsibility and leaves state executives without the tools to act decisively. Lula is trying to change that framework, but change moves slowly through legislatures. In the meantime, Couto must work with what he has.
The president's message was part encouragement, part warning. "Take advantage of these six months. Or ten months. Do what many people didn't do in ten years in this state. Help fix this state," Lula told him. "You can be sure that this is what the people of Rio de Janeiro expect from you. It's not possible for this powerful, beautiful state to be governed by a militiaman. The people of Rio don't deserve that."
What happens next depends on three moving pieces: whether Couto can actually prosecute the criminals and militia members embedded in Rio's power structure; whether the Senate votes to expand federal authority over security; and whether the interim governor's window of opportunity stays open long enough for meaningful results to emerge. Lula has made clear that the federal government will back him. But the work—the arrests, the investigations, the dismantling of criminal networks that have operated with impunity—falls to Couto. The clock is running.
Citações Notáveis
Work to arrest all the thieves who governed this state. And the deputies who are part of an organized militia.— President Lula, addressing Rio's interim governor
The people of Rio don't deserve a state governed by a militiaman.— President Lula
A Conversa do Hearth Outra perspectiva sobre a história
Why did Lula feel the need to say this now, in this particular way?
Because Rio's interim governor is new and untested, and the city has become a symbol of state failure. Lula was drawing a line: this is what matters. Not monuments. Arrests.
But Couto doesn't have much power, does he? He's interim.
Exactly. That's why Lula mentioned the constitutional amendment. Couto is constrained by the same 1988 framework that has hamstrung every Rio governor. Lula is trying to change the rules, but until the Senate acts, Couto is working with borrowed authority.
So this is partly about federal overreach?
It's about rebalancing. Lula sees organized crime as a national problem, not just a state problem. The current constitution treats it as a state problem. He wants to change that—to give the federal government real tools.
What if the Senate doesn't approve the amendment?
Then Couto's window closes. He'll have done what he can with limited leverage, and the problem persists. That's why Lula was so direct about the timeline.
Is there any chance Couto actually succeeds?
It depends on whether he can move fast and whether the federal backing is real. Lula promised support, but promises are easier than prosecutions. The militia networks are deep. But Couto has one advantage: he's interim, so he's not beholden to the same political machinery that protected these networks before.