Yarumal's victims find voice after Santiago Uribe conviction for paramilitary killings

At least 300 people murdered by Los 12 Apóstoles; 10,858 direct and indirect victims in Yarumal including displaced persons, families torn apart, and survivors living under threats for three decades.
Now I am not afraid to tell him it was his brother who killed mine
Olga Torres, who confronted the former president in 2017 but could not speak, finally breaks her silence after Santiago Uribe's conviction.

Santiago Uribe sentenced to 28 years for organizing a death squad that committed selective killings, forced displacements, and disappearances under the guise of 'social cleansing' in 1990s Colombia. Yarumal's 45,000 residents endured systematic violence with police and military complicity; 10,858 people are recognized as direct or indirect victims, representing a quarter of the town's population.

  • Santiago Uribe convicted November 25, 2024, to 28 years for organizing Los 12 Apóstoles death squad
  • At least 300 murders in Yarumal; 10,858 total victims (direct and indirect) in a town of 45,000
  • Olga Torres's brothers Carlos Guillermo and Omar Darío killed July 11, 1993, after witnessing paramilitary operations at La Carolina ranch
  • Court found evidence of a blacklist of 'undesirables' to be eliminated
  • Olga Torres now cultivates over 60,000 wax palms in memory of her brothers

A Colombian court convicted Santiago Uribe, brother of former president Álvaro Uribe, for leading the paramilitary group Los 12 Apóstoles responsible for at least 300 murders in Yarumal. Victims are finally able to publicly acknowledge their suffering after decades of fear and impunity.

In December 2017, Álvaro Uribe came to Yarumal to campaign for a presidential candidate. The former Colombian president moved through the crowd surrounded by admirers, their voices rising in a chant. Among them stood Olga Torres, a small woman of 41, her arms raised, her voice steady above the noise. She asked him directly: who killed her brothers?

Torres had asked this question for nearly three decades. Her brothers, Carlos Guillermo and Omar Darío, had worked on La Carolina, a cattle ranch owned by the Uribe Vélez family. They had calloused hands from honest labor. In July 1993, twenty-five masked men came to her house—men she had seen before at the ranch, now dressed in military gear, carrying machine guns. They killed her brothers, then 33 and 22 years old. The bodies bore marks of torture: cigarette burns, mutilation. When she confronted Uribe that day in 2017, asking him to name the killer, he turned to her and said: tell me, you seem to know already. She could not speak. She knew it was his brother, Santiago Uribe, but fear silenced her.

On November 25, 2024, a court in Antioquia convicted Santiago Uribe of 28 years in prison. The tribunal found him guilty of organizing Los 12 Apóstoles, a paramilitary death squad that operated throughout the 1990s under the banner of "social cleansing." The group killed at least 300 people in Yarumal, a dairy farming town of 45,000 nestled in the Andes. Official counts place the total number of victims—direct and indirect—at 10,858, roughly a quarter of the town's population. The court determined that the violence was not random or isolated. It was systematic. The paramilitaries maintained a blacklist of the "undesirable" to be eliminated.

For Olga Torres, the conviction arrived a month ago. She now says she no longer fears speaking the truth aloud. "Now I am not afraid to tell him it was his brother who killed mine," she said. Her father died waiting for someone in authority to confirm what the family already knew: that her brothers were innocent, that they were good men. The sentence came 31 years too late for him, but it allows her, she says, to die at peace.

Yarumal had lived under the weight of this violence for three decades, but the town had also internalized a narrative that made victims complicit in their own deaths. Police dismissed complaints. Neighbors whispered that the dead must have done something to deserve it. The paramilitaries operated with the knowledge and protection of local security forces. Santiago Uribe's brother, the former governor of Antioquia, provided political cover. The aura of impunity was absolute. Sulma María Vásquez Jaramillo lost her brother Yohany Humberto in November 1994. He was 19, shot in the head, a piece of arepa still warm in his hand. His crime: he had spent the night with the ex-girlfriend of one of the paramilitaries. When Sulma reported it to police, they told her he was killed for being drunk. Then grenades appeared at her door. Anonymous callers asked about her three children. She wanted no money, she said. She wanted her brother's name cleared. She wanted someone to look her in the eye and say he was murdered because Los 12 Apóstoles could do it and face no consequence.

In the Casa de la Cultura, a small room called the Aula del Nunca Más—the Classroom of Never Again—holds the collective memory of the town's grief. Sixty victims contributed letters to the dead, photographs of favorite meals, drawings of empty chairs and empty chocolate pots. "They took my brothers. May God keep them in his glory." "They killed my son and I felt such loneliness and fear." "The flower pot from the house where I was displaced with my family." "It took me years to dream again." These unsigned phrases speak for an entire community.

Olga Torres found her own path to repair. Her brother Carlos Guillermo had once planted a wax palm in front of their parents' house before moving to a home the Uribes provided. He told them: when you see the palm, remember I am here. Decades after his death, Olga built a nursery on her own land. She now cultivates more than 60,000 wax palms, the national tree of Colombia, endangered by deforestation and the Palm Sunday trade. Children come on school trips. Biologists visit. Victims of the conflict sit with her for hours as she explains how the extinction of the palm mirrors the erasure of her dead and her neighbors' dead. Then they plant together, with intention. She tells them she learned to forgive through the earth because she could no longer carry the weight of hatred. "The transformation of pain is possible," she said, "but no sentence and no money gave it to me. I found it myself." The conviction, arriving so late, at least allows her to believe her story will not die with her.

The transformation of pain is possible, but no sentence and no money gave it to me. I found it myself.
— Olga Torres
For the first time a judge recognizes the pain of so many years.
— Sergio Mesa, journalist and lawyer representing 25 victims
La Conversación del Hearth Otra perspectiva de la historia
Inventor

Why did it take thirty years for a court to name what happened in Yarumal?

Model

Because the people with power—the Uribes, the police, the military—had every reason to keep it hidden. And because the town itself had learned to accept the violence as normal, even necessary. Victims were blamed for their own deaths.

Inventor

What changes now that Santiago Uribe is convicted?

Model

The official story shifts. For the first time, a judge says clearly: this was organized murder, not isolated incidents. This was a death squad. That permission to speak the truth aloud—that matters more than people outside might understand.

Inventor

Olga Torres spent three decades with the image of her brothers' tortured bodies. What does a conviction do for that?

Model

It doesn't erase the image. It doesn't bring them back. But it says: you were right to grieve. Your brothers were innocent. The people who killed them were criminals, not heroes. That recognition is not nothing.

Inventor

The court mentioned a blacklist. How many names were on it?

Model

We don't know exactly. But the list existed. The paramilitaries carried it with them when they came to kill. Olga remembers the masked men pulling it from their pockets when they asked for her brothers by name.

Inventor

What does Olga's wax palm nursery have to do with justice?

Model

Everything. She couldn't wait for the courts to heal her. So she created something living in memory of her brother. She's protecting an endangered tree while teaching children about the people who were erased. The conviction validates what she's been doing all along—refusing to let the dead be forgotten.

Inventor

Will there be more convictions?

Model

The court has asked prosecutors to investigate 533 murders attributed to Los 12 Apóstoles. There are questions about who financed the group, which police officers collaborated, whether the former president knew. The dominoes may have just started to fall.

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