We're not buying any of it. The rejection is total.
En un parlamento fragmentado donde cada voto define el destino de millones, el gobierno español ha optado por dividir para sobrevivir: separar la revalorización de las pensiones de las protecciones a los inquilinos vulnerables, apostando por salvar lo que pueda. Junts, cuyo apoyo resulta decisivo, ha anunciado su rechazo al decreto de vivienda, perpetuando un patrón de inestabilidad legislativa que deja a los más frágiles expuestos a la lógica de las alianzas imposibles. La aritmética parlamentaria no es solo un problema técnico; es el espejo de una sociedad que aún no ha resuelto cómo proteger a los suyos cuando el consenso se fragmenta.
- El gobierno escinde su decreto ómnibus en dos piezas para rescatar al menos la revalorización de pensiones, consciente de que el escudo social para inquilinos no tiene los votos necesarios.
- Junts anuncia un 'no' rotundo al decreto de vivienda: Míriam Nogueras descarta cualquier concesión como suficiente y convierte el rechazo en una posición inamovible.
- La negociación con el PNV para eximir a pequeños propietarios de obligaciones de realojo gana cinco votos pero provoca la indignación de Podemos, que abandona el acuerdo con dureza retórica.
- La moratoria de desahucios para inquilinos vulnerables, pactada con Bildu, quedará sin efecto tras la previsible derrota parlamentaria de la próxima semana.
- El patrón se repite: el gobierno acumula concesiones que satisfacen a unos y alejan a otros, sin lograr la masa crítica necesaria para gobernar con estabilidad.
El gabinete español aprobó el martes una estrategia de emergencia: dividir el decreto ómnibus bloqueado en dos textos separados. El objetivo era claro: proteger la revalorización de pensiones prevista para 2026, que cuenta con apoyo suficiente, y separar de ella las medidas de vivienda, cuya suerte parlamentaria era muy distinta. Entre estas últimas figuraba la prórroga de la moratoria de desahucios para inquilinos vulnerables hasta finales de 2026, así como garantías de suministro de electricidad, gas y agua para consumidores en situación de riesgo.
Junts no dejó margen a la ambigüedad. Su portavoz, Míriam Nogueras, fue tajante: el partido votaría en contra del decreto de vivienda sin importar las modificaciones introducidas. El gobierno había negociado intensamente durante días, logrando un acuerdo con el PNV que eximía a los propietarios de uno o dos inmuebles de la obligación de ofrecer alternativa habitacional a los inquilinos desahuciados, trasladando esa responsabilidad a los servicios sociales. Los cinco votos vascos quedaron así asegurados, pero el precio fue la ruptura con Podemos: su secretaria general, Ione Belarra, calificó el cambio de «asco absoluto», señalando con ironía que los pequeños propietarios no son precisamente los más desfavorecidos.
El decreto incluía además otras medidas: exenciones fiscales por los incendios forestales del verano pasado, ayudas para municipios afectados por las inundaciones de la DANA, deducciones por vehículos eléctricos y reformas de eficiencia energética, y regímenes simplificados para autónomos y sectores agrícolas y pesqueros. El gobierno también asignó créditos suplementarios por valor de 3.000 millones de euros a las comunidades autónomas y 3.800 millones a las entidades locales.
La aritmética, sin embargo, era implacable. Ganar al PNV significaba perder a Podemos, un intercambio que dejaba al decreto de vivienda sin mayoría. La próxima semana, cuando el Congreso vote, el escudo social para los inquilinos más vulnerables previsiblemente caerá, víctima de la misma fragilidad estructural que lleva meses lastrando la capacidad legislativa del gobierno.
The Spanish government's cabinet approved what it calls a social shield decree on Tuesday, betting that by splitting it into two separate pieces of legislation, it could salvage at least one of them. The strategy was born of necessity: the original omnibus bill had stalled, and the government needed to protect the pension revaluation scheduled for 2026—a measure with broader support. So it separated the pension increase from the housing protections, including an extension of the eviction moratorium for vulnerable renters through the end of 2026. The calculation was simple. The pension piece would pass. The housing piece would not.
Junts, the Catalan separatist party whose votes matter in Spain's fragmented parliament, made clear on Tuesday that it would reject the housing decree entirely. "We're voting no," said Míriam Nogueras, the party's spokesperson, speaking to El Economista. "We're not buying any of it." The party acknowledged that the government had made concessions—particularly modifications that would exempt small landlords from having to provide alternative housing for vulnerable tenants, shifting that obligation to social services instead. But Nogueras was unambiguous: the party's rejection was total. The core issue, she explained, was the eviction moratorium extension itself. The government's tweaks were not enough.
The modifications had been hammered out in intense negotiations over recent days, especially on Monday, as the government tried to thread an impossible needle. It needed to win over reluctant parties to support the housing decree while avoiding moves that would alienate its left-wing allies. The deal struck with the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) did exactly that. By exempting owners of one or two properties from housing obligations, the government secured the PNV's five votes. But the move infuriated Podemos. The party's general secretary, Ione Belarra, said the change produced in her "absolute disgust," adding sarcastically that small landlords—those owning just one or two homes—"only belong to the richest group in our society."
The housing decree also extended protections for utilities. Vulnerable consumers would continue to have guaranteed access to electricity, natural gas, and water through 2026. Beyond the eviction moratorium, the decree included a collection of other measures: tax exemptions for compensation related to last summer's forest fires; continued reconstruction aid for municipalities damaged by the DANA floods; extended tax deductions for electric vehicle purchases and charging station installation; and various deductions for home renovations that reduce heating and cooling demand. The government also extended simplified tax estimation methods for self-employed workers and special agricultural and fishing regimes.
The government allocated supplementary credits to regional and local authorities: 3 billion euros for autonomous communities and 3.8 billion euros for local entities. These were largely continuations of 2025 arrangements, but they represented the kind of spending that required parliamentary approval.
The political arithmetic was unforgiving. By winning PNV support, the government lost Podemos—a net loss of one vote in a parliament where every vote counts. The pension revaluation decree, now separated and standing alone, would likely pass with backing from both Junts and the opposition People's Party. But the housing decree faced a different fate. When parliament votes next week—timing that seemed most logical given the urgency of pension approval—the government would suffer another defeat. The eviction moratorium extension, born from an agreement with the Basque left-wing party Bildu, would collapse in the lower chamber, a victim of the same chronic problem that has plagued this government: insufficient support.
Citações Notáveis
We're voting no. We're not buying any of it.— Míriam Nogueras, Junts spokesperson
The change produces absolute disgust. Small landlords only belong to the richest group in our society.— Ione Belarra, Podemos general secretary, on exemptions for small property owners
A Conversa do Hearth Outra perspectiva sobre a história
Why did the government split the decree in two? Couldn't they have kept them together and negotiated harder?
They tried. The original omnibus bill was sinking. By separating them, they could save the pension revaluation—which has broader support—and take their chances with the housing piece separately. It's a triage decision.
But Junts says it will vote no anyway. So what did splitting accomplish?
It saved the pensions. That's the win. The housing decree was always going to lose. At least now the government doesn't drag down the pension increase with it.
The modifications about small landlords—those were meant to win over PNV, right?
Yes. And it worked. PNV said yes. But Podemos said no in response. The government traded one coalition partner's support for another's opposition.
So the government is worse off than before?
In terms of votes on the housing decree, yes. But they're better off on pensions. The real question is whether that trade was worth it. Next week will tell.
What happens to renters if this fails?
The moratorium doesn't extend. Vulnerable renters lose protection at the end of 2026 unless the government finds another way to pass it. Which seems unlikely.