An agreement has to be a win-win situation for both sides
In the long and unresolved struggle between Washington and Tehran, a new Iranian proposal passed through Pakistani hands only to be dismissed by Donald Trump before the week had ended — a gesture of diplomacy met with the impatience of a man who sees compromise as concession. Pakistan, whose own people bear the economic weight of this conflict in tripled energy bills and strained livelihoods, has worked quietly across capitals to hold a fragile ceasefire together, knowing that the fate of millions rests on whether two hardened positions can find a shared inch of ground. The nuclear question — who enriches, how much, and where the stockpiles go — remains the wall neither side has yet found a door through.
- Iran handed a fresh peace proposal to Pakistani mediators on Thursday night, and by Friday morning Trump had already declared it unacceptable, offering no specifics and reminding the world that military escalation remains on the table.
- The highest-level U.S.-Iran talks since 1979 collapsed into mutual blame — each side insisting the other walked away from a near-deal — and a planned second round fell apart when Iran's delegation refused to meet the American team.
- The Strait of Hormuz blockade has become a weapon and a bargaining chip simultaneously, with Iran proposing transit fees as part of a settlement while the U.S. Treasury threatens sanctions against any shipping company that pays them.
- Pakistan is holding the diplomatic architecture together almost alone — its military chief spent three days in Tehran, its prime minister toured regional capitals, and its foreign minister called London — all while Islamabad's own energy costs have nearly tripled due to the war.
- A ten-year uranium enrichment moratorium and a possible transfer of Iran's highly enriched stockpile to Russia have emerged as potential bridges, but trust has fractured badly enough that neither side can agree on what was already conceded.
- Trump sidestepped a congressional deadline under the War Powers Act by claiming the ceasefire paused the clock, calling the law itself unconstitutional — signaling he intends to prosecute this conflict on his own terms, with or without legislative oversight.
On Thursday night, Tehran passed a new proposal to Pakistani intermediaries hoping to break a months-long deadlock. By Friday morning, Trump had dismissed it. "They're asking for things I can't agree to," he told reporters, without elaborating — and reminded the world that military escalation remained an option alongside any negotiated settlement.
Pakistan has carried the weight of this diplomacy almost entirely on its own. Its military chief spent three days in Tehran in April meeting with Iranian power centers. Its prime minister worked regional capitals — Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey — building support for a diplomatic path. Officials enlisted countries as far as Japan and placed calls to London. The stakes for Islamabad are not abstract: Pakistan's monthly energy import bill has nearly tripled because of the war, and its officials understand that the livelihoods of millions of the world's poorest people are entangled in the outcome.
The ceasefire Pakistan helped broker has held for more than three weeks — a genuine achievement. But momentum has stalled. In April, Iranian and American delegations met through the night in Islamabad in the highest-level engagement between the two countries since 1979. Each side now claims the other walked away from a near-deal. A second round collapsed last weekend when Iran's delegation refused to meet the American team, which had already prepared to fly in.
The nuclear question is the wall at the center of everything. Trump insists Iran must commit to never acquiring nuclear weapons. Iran's previous proposal reopened the Strait of Hormuz but deferred the nuclear issue entirely — a non-starter for Washington. Two specific obstacles remain: Iran's uranium enrichment program and the fate of its stockpile of highly enriched uranium. Regional diplomats believe a ten-year enrichment moratorium might be negotiable. For the stockpile, one possibility discussed between Trump and Putin this week involves transferring it to Russia.
But trust has badly fractured. Iran is exasperated by what it sees as American incoherence — Trump publicly contradicted what Iranian negotiators believed the U.S. team had already conceded on medical enrichment. Iran's supreme leader called the strait situation a "new chapter," signaling no intention to back down. The U.S. Treasury warned that shipping companies paying Iran's proposed transit tolls would face punitive sanctions. Trump also sidestepped a War Powers Act deadline, claiming the ceasefire paused the legislative clock and calling the Vietnam-era law "unconstitutional."
Pakistani officials insist the clock on diplomacy has not stopped. But the arithmetic is difficult: Iran is internally divided between those who favor negotiation and those who prefer the leverage of the blockade, while Washington appears to be seeking total victory rather than compromise. A former Pakistani diplomat now leading a think tank in Islamabad warned that Iran's strategy of prolonging talks for a better deal is "highly risky" — but also noted that decades of American pressure have never moved Tehran. "An agreement has to be a win-win situation for both sides," he said. Trump's summit with Xi Jinping is scheduled for mid-May. Whether that deadline will concentrate minds or simply mark another moment of drift remains the open question.
On Thursday night, Tehran handed a new proposal to Pakistani intermediaries, hoping to break through months of deadlock in its war with the United States. By Friday morning, Donald Trump had already dismissed it. "Right now, we have talks going on, they're not getting there," he told reporters, his tone suggesting impatience rather than engagement. He did not specify what offended him about Iran's terms, only that "they're asking for things I can't agree to." In the same breath, he reminded everyone that his alternatives remained stark: military escalation or negotiated settlement.
Pakistan has spent weeks trying to hold this negotiation together. In April, the country's military chief spent three days in Tehran meeting with various power centers in the Iranian government, while the prime minister worked regional capitals—Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey—building support for a diplomatic path. Pakistani officials have enlisted countries as distant as Japan to add weight to their efforts. The foreign minister even called the British foreign secretary this week. What Pakistan is trying to prevent is not abstract: its monthly energy import bill has nearly tripled because of the war, and officials there understand that the global economy and the livelihoods of millions of the world's poorest people hang in the balance.
The ceasefire that Pakistan helped broker has now held for more than three weeks—a fact Islamabad treats as a major achievement. But the momentum behind direct talks has stalled. In April, Iranian and American delegations met for an all-night negotiation session in Islamabad, the highest-level engagement between the two countries since the 1979 revolution. Each side claims the other walked away from a near-deal. Tehran says Washington abruptly left the table. Washington says Iran refused to move far enough. An attempt to organize a second round last weekend collapsed when the Iranian delegation refused to meet the American team, which had already prepared to fly in.
The nuclear question sits at the center of the impasse. Trump insists Iran must commit to never acquiring nuclear weapons. The previous Iranian proposal offered to reopen the Strait of Hormuz but deferred the nuclear issue entirely. That won't work for Washington. Two specific obstacles remain: Iran's uranium enrichment program and what to do with its stockpile of highly enriched uranium. Regional diplomats familiar with the talks believe a ten-year moratorium on enrichment might be negotiable—roughly halfway between what each side has demanded. For the uranium stockpile, one possibility discussed this week between Trump and Vladimir Putin involves sending it to Russia, Iran's ally.
But trust has fractured. Iran is exasperated by what it sees as American incoherence. Trump said Iran cannot enrich uranium even for medical purposes, contradicting what the Iranian delegation believed the American team had already conceded. Meanwhile, Trump this week suggested that Iran's blockade of the Strait of Hormuz is actually more effective than bombing would be—hardly the language of someone eager to lift it. Iran's supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, called the strait situation a "new chapter," signaling no intention to back down. The U.S. Treasury Office warned Friday that any shipping companies paying tolls to Iran for passage through the strait would face punitive sanctions. Tehran has proposed charging fees as part of a deal to end the war.
Trump also sidestepped a Friday deadline imposed by the War Powers Act, which requires presidential authorization from Congress to continue hostilities beyond 60 days. In a letter to congressional leaders, he claimed the ceasefire agreement had effectively paused the clock—an interpretation many legal experts dispute. Speaking to reporters, he suggested the Vietnam-era law was "unconstitutional." The message was clear: he would not be constrained by legislative oversight.
Pakistan's foreign ministry spokesperson said this week that "the clock on diplomacy has not stopped," and officials there remain hopeful. But they face a difficult arithmetic. On one side is an Iranian government internally divided between those who want to pursue diplomacy and those who prefer to rely on the leverage of the strait blockade. On the other is an American administration that appears to be seeking total victory rather than compromise. Jauhar Saleem, a former Pakistani diplomat now leading a think tank in Islamabad, warned that Iran's strategy of dragging out negotiations in hopes of a better deal is "highly risky." But he also noted that Washington has to recognize its pressure tactics have not worked on Iran over decades. "An agreement has to be a win-win situation for both sides," he said. Trump's summit with Xi Jinping is scheduled for mid-May. Whether that deadline will concentrate minds or simply mark another moment when the two sides drift further apart remains unclear.
Citações Notáveis
Right now, we have talks going on, they're not getting there. They're asking for things I can't agree to.— Donald Trump
An agreement has to be a win-win situation for both sides. It is not realistic that Iran would give in to all demands.— Jauhar Saleem, former Pakistani diplomat
A Conversa do Hearth Outra perspectiva sobre a história
Why does Pakistan matter so much here? They're not a party to the conflict.
Pakistan is the only country both sides trust enough to sit in the same room with. They've already brokered a ceasefire that's held for three weeks. Without them, there's no channel at all.
What's the actual sticking point on nuclear weapons?
Trump wants Iran to promise never to enrich uranium, even for medical reactors. Iran sees that as humiliating and unrealistic. They're willing to pause enrichment for ten years, maybe, but not forever.
And the Strait of Hormuz blockade—who's winning that?
Neither side is backing down. Trump says it's more effective than bombing. Iran's supreme leader called it a "new chapter." Both are using it as leverage, which means neither will lift it without getting something huge in return.
Why is the global economy at stake?
The strait is one of the world's most critical shipping lanes. A blockade disrupts oil markets, energy prices spike, and countries like Pakistan—which imports almost all its energy—get crushed. Pakistan's bill has tripled.
Does Trump actually want a deal?
He says he does. But he also says his options are "blast them away or make a deal," and he's been signaling this week that military pressure is working. That's not the language of someone desperate to negotiate.
What happens if diplomacy fails?
The ceasefire ends. The war resumes. And the global economy gets worse. That's why Pakistan is working so hard—they're not just trying to stop a war, they're trying to prevent economic collapse.