We're not desperate. We're looking for partners who share some vision.
En el umbral de una segunda vuelta electoral, Juntos por el Perú tantea el terreno de las alianzas con la cautela de quien sabe que los pactos sin principios suelen costar más de lo que rinden. Ernesto Zunini, secretario general del partido, abre la puerta al diálogo —incluso con fuerzas ideológicamente distantes— pero exige coherencia interna, claridad programática y honestidad pública como condiciones mínimas. En un país que ha consumido nueve presidentes en una década, la apuesta del partido no es solo ganar una elección, sino demostrar que gobernar con institucionalidad es todavía posible.
- La urgencia es real: con la segunda vuelta en el horizonte, Juntos por el Perú necesita construir apoyos sin sacrificar la coherencia que le da identidad.
- La tensión más visible surge con Renovación Popular: Zunini no cierra el diálogo, pero exige que el partido aclare si las declaraciones hostiles de algunos de sus miembros representan posición oficial o voz individual.
- En paralelo, el partido ya sostiene conversaciones con Primero la Gente, Perú Federal, Ahora Nación y Venceremos, priorizando afinidad programática sobre conveniencia electoral pura.
- La figura del economista Pedro Francke genera ruido externo, pero Zunini la defiende con firmeza, subrayando su historial de respeto a la autonomía del Banco Central como garantía de estabilidad.
- Las reformas constitucionales —conectividad, educación superior, vacancia presidencial— son aspiraciones declaradas, pero Zunini reconoce que sin mayoría congresal el primer paso es simplemente gobernar bien.
- Frente a acusaciones de afinidad con modelos venezolanos o cubanos, Zunini responde con pragmatismo: Perú comercia con China comunista; el debate real debe girar en torno a problemas concretos, no a fantasmas ideológicos.
Ernesto Zunini, secretario general de Juntos por el Perú, habló sobre el camino que tiene por delante su partido y su candidato presidencial Roberto Sánchez de cara a la segunda vuelta. Lo que emergió fue el retrato de una fuerza política que evalúa alianzas con criterio, no con desesperación.
Zunini no descartó conversar con Renovación Popular, pero planteó una pregunta incómoda: si Norma Yarrow ha dicho que trabajaría para vacar a un presidente de Juntos por el Perú, ¿es esa la posición del partido o solo la suya? Antes de cualquier acuerdo, quiere respuestas. Con otros grupos —Primero la Gente, Perú Federal, Ahora Nación, Venceremos— las conversaciones ya avanzan, aunque sin acuerdos cerrados. También se reunió personalmente con la dirigencia de Obras, sin resultados concretos por ahora.
Sobre la economía, Zunini defendió a Pedro Francke frente a quienes ven en sus críticas al Banco Central una señal de alarma. Francke respetó la autonomía institucional cuando fue ministro, argumentó, y lo hará de nuevo. El partido revisará contratos privados solo en casos vinculados a corrupción o que afecten el interés público; no hay intención de reabrir todo lo firmado.
En materia constitucional, Zunini mencionó reformas en conectividad, acceso a educación superior y los mecanismos de vacancia presidencial. Pero fue honesto sobre los límites: sin mayoría en el Congreso, la prioridad inmediata es restaurar la estabilidad de un país que ha tenido nueve presidentes en diez años. La reforma es una meta; la gobernabilidad, la urgencia.
Ante las acusaciones de simpatía con Venezuela o Cuba, Zunini respondió con frialdad analítica. Los países actúan por intereses, no por afinidades ideológicas. Perú alberga un millón de venezolanos y su mayor socio comercial es China. Hablar de modelos foráneos como amenaza, dijo, es manipulación disfrazada de debate.
Ernesto Zunini, the general secretary of Juntos por el Perú, sat down to discuss what comes next for his party and its presidential candidate Roberto Sánchez. The conversation revealed a political movement preparing for a runoff election and actively weighing which alliances might strengthen its position—but not at any cost.
Zunini made clear that dialogue with other parties is possible, even those ideologically distant from his own. The caveat matters: such conversations would need to be sincere, public, and grounded in solutions to problems affecting ordinary Peruvians. When asked directly about Rafael López Aliaga and Renovación Popular, Zunini didn't slam the door. Instead, he pointed to a contradiction that troubles him. López Aliaga has spoken harshly about rural Peruvians and southerners, yet his party colleague Norma Yarrow has suggested she would work to remove a Juntos por el Perú president from office. Zunini wants clarity: Is this party consensus or personal position? If Renovación Popular wants to talk, he said, they should first get their own house in order.
The party has already been meeting with other groups. Zunini confirmed conversations with Primero la Gente, Perú Federal, Ahora Nación, Venceremos, and others—none of them left-wing organizations. He also disclosed that he personally met with the general secretary of Obras, though no agreement emerged from that encounter. These are the kinds of conversations Juntos por el Perú is prioritizing: with groups that share some programmatic ground, not just any willing partner.
On the economic front, Zunini defended Pedro Francke, the party's economic spokesperson, against suggestions that Francke's criticism of Central Bank president Julio Velarde might damage the ticket. Francke has the credentials—ethical, political, and professional—to lead the economic team, Zunini argued. During his time as economy minister, Francke respected the bank's autonomy and nominated qualified people to its board. The party will evaluate Velarde's future if he chooses to stay in his post, but Zunini emphasized that Juntos por el Perú is committed to respecting institutional independence. There is no reason, he said, for the public or business community to fear the party's economic approach.
On contracts with private investors, Zunini drew a distinction. The party has no interest in reopening every agreement. What matters is reviewing contracts that carry constitutional weight and auditing those tied to corruption cases. The focus is on contracts in strategic sectors—those that could drive productive diversification and industrialization—and those that harm public interests. Only those connected to corruption should worry, he suggested. For everyone else, state review and cleanup of harmful contracts should be seen as beneficial.
Constitutional reform emerged as a longer-term ambition. Zunini cited several areas for change: the right to connectivity (broader than internet access), access to higher education, and continuous training for young people. Peru cannot build a modern economy, he argued, while seventy percent of youth remain outside higher education. He also wants to revisit Article 206, which reserves constitutional amendment to Congress alone, arguing that sovereign power belongs to the people. Presidential vacancy procedures also need attention. When pressed on how the party would achieve these changes without a congressional majority, Zunini pivoted. The immediate priority is restoring governance and stability to the country. Peru has had nine presidents in ten years; ministers don't last a year in their posts. That instability is the crisis. Constitutional reform is an aspiration, but first comes the work of building consensus and delivering basic competence.
On international questions, Zunini offered a pragmatic view. Venezuela, he noted, has become a partner of the United States—the American government itself conducts business with Venezuelan officials while refusing to recognize Nicolás Maduro's constitutional succession. Countries pursue interests, not friendships. Peru hosts a million Venezuelans who use public services; ideology should not prevent a working relationship. U.S. military intervention in Venezuela was wrong, he said—unilateral military action against a sovereign state violates the principle of self-determination, regardless of the target. Cuba, meanwhile, is simply abandoned by the international community and victimized by a blockade. It is neither left nor right; it is a country surviving on the margins of ideology. The suggestion that Juntos por el Perú aspires to a Cuban or Venezuelan model is illogical, Zunini countered. Peru's largest trading partner is China, which identifies itself as communist. The real debate should be about public problems and solutions, not about fear and manipulation dressed up as ideology.
Citas Notables
If Renovación Popular wants to talk institutionally with Juntos por el Perú, we welcome it—but they need to get their own house in order first.— Ernesto Zunini, general secretary of Juntos por el Perú
The immediate priority is restoring governance and stability. Constitutional reform is an aspiration, but first comes the work of building consensus and delivering basic competence.— Ernesto Zunini
La Conversación del Hearth Otra perspectiva de la historia
You say you're open to talking with Renovación Popular, but you also list all the reasons not to. Are you actually interested in an alliance?
We're interested in conversations where there's some real agreement on what needs to happen. With Renovación Popular, there's confusion—López Aliaga says one thing, Yarrow says another. We need to know if they're serious.
But in a runoff, don't you need them more than they need you?
Maybe. But we've already been talking to other groups. We're not desperate. We're looking for partners who share some vision, not just warm bodies.
You keep saying you respect institutional autonomy, especially with the Central Bank. Why does that matter so much?
Because the last thing this country needs is a president who uses state power to settle scores. We've seen that movie. If we're going to rebuild trust, we have to show we mean it.
On contracts—you say you'll only audit the corrupt ones. But who decides what's corrupt?
That's the work. We'll look at the facts, the evidence. The ones tied to actual corruption cases. Not ideology, not revenge. Just facts.
You want to change the Constitution, but Congress controls that. How do you get there without a majority?
First, we govern. We show people we can actually run the country. Then we build consensus. Constitutional change is the long game. Right now, Peru needs someone who can keep the lights on.
On Venezuela and Cuba—you sound like you're defending leftist governments.
I'm defending the principle that we deal with countries based on our interests, not our feelings about their politics. China is communist and we trade with them. That's not ideology; that's reality.