Do not expect statements from me against the peace
Cepeda maintains polling lead but faces allegations of government interference; right-wing parties unite behind Valencia while Atlas Intel shows runoff scenarios favoring opposition candidates. Traditional conservative parties (Conservative Party, La U) formally endorse Valencia; Alianza Verde splinters with majority backing Cepeda while critics demand clarity on peace talks controversies.
- Atlas Intel shows De la Espriella and Valencia beating Cepeda in runoff scenarios (48.8% and 47.1% vs. Cepeda's 39.8% and 39.6%)
- Conservative Party and Party of the U formally endorse Paloma Valencia; Cambio Radical frees members to support either right-wing candidate
- Ecuador threatens 100% tariffs on Colombian goods starting May 1st over narcotrafficking concerns; Valencia promises to militarize border highway and call Noboa on day one
- Cepeda leads first round with 38.7%, followed by De la Espriella (27.9%) and Valencia (23.5%)
- Alianza Verde splinters: majority backs Cepeda while members like Katherine Miranda and Angélica Lozano demand support for centrist candidates Fajardo and López
Colombia's 2026 presidential campaign heats up as left-wing candidate Iván Cepeda leads polls while right-wing rivals Paloma Valencia and Abelardo de la Espriella consolidate support. President Petro claims CIA has intelligence on threats against Cepeda, amid broader concerns about electoral interference and security.
Colombia's presidential race is tightening in ways that scramble the conventional wisdom. Iván Cepeda, the left-wing candidate backed by President Gustavo Petro, has held the polling lead for months—but the latest numbers suggest that lead may be more fragile than it appears. In a runoff scenario, both of his main rivals, the right-wing uribista Paloma Valencia and the ultra-right outsider Abelardo de la Espriella, would beat him, according to Atlas Intel polling released this week. In the first round, Cepeda still leads with 38.7 percent, but De la Espriella has 27.9 percent and Valencia 23.5 percent. Head-to-head against either opponent in a second round, however, Cepeda loses: De la Espriella would take 48.8 percent to his 39.8 percent, and Valencia would win 47.1 percent to his 39.6 percent.
The campaign has become a theater of competing allegations and strategic positioning. Cepeda himself has demanded that no government officials campaign on his behalf, after learning that a vice minister in the Technology Ministry had been promoting his candidacy in a WhatsApp group. Yet President Petro has been accused by electoral observers of constant interference in the race, making decisions about party strategy and attacking right-wing candidates. This week, Petro claimed on social media that the CIA possesses concrete intelligence about a potential assassination attempt against Cepeda. He offered no evidence, and he did not mention the death threats that Valencia and De la Espriella actually received over the weekend through their social media accounts. The Interior Ministry condemned those threats and announced security measures, but Petro's focus remained on Cepeda, whom he said was targeted by the "extreme right"—the same faction he blamed, without proof, for the killing of influencer Charlie Kirk and the 2024 attack on Donald Trump.
Meanwhile, the traditional right is consolidating behind Valencia with unusual speed and unity. The Conservative Party, one of Colombia's two historic parties, announced this week that it would officially back her, a decision made unanimously by its leadership. The Party of the U, which had been part of Petro's governing coalition, defected on Monday to support Valencia as well. Cambio Radical, a smaller conservative formation, chose a different path: it freed its members to support either Valencia or De la Espriella, but explicitly barred them from backing Cepeda. The center-left Alianza Verde, by contrast, fractured. A majority of its congressional members moved toward Cepeda, and the party's national leadership approved a commission to negotiate a programmatic agreement with his campaign. But prominent members like Katherine Miranda and Angélica Lozano objected, arguing that the party should support the centrist candidates Sergio Fajardo and Claudia López, both of whom emerged from the Green Party's own ranks. Lozano called the decision "antidemocratic" and "very much in tune with the temperament of President Gustavo Petro."
The border crisis with Ecuador has become a campaign flashpoint. Ecuador's president, Daniel Noboa, has threatened to impose 100 percent tariffs on Colombian goods starting May 1st, arguing that Petro has failed to combat narcotrafficking groups operating along their shared frontier. Valencia traveled to the international bridge at Rumichaga, which connects the two countries, and stood alongside her mentor, former president Álvaro Uribe. She promised that on her first day in office, she would militarize the highway from Cali to Pasto, call Noboa to say Colombia was ready to fight narcoterrorism, and ask him to lift the tariffs to restore border commerce. She criticized Petro for promoting trade with Venezuela and pledged to work with Nariño's governor, who is aligned with Petro's government. The tariffs, if imposed, would devastate legal commerce in a region that traditionally votes left but has become vulnerable to right-wing appeals because of the diplomatic breakdown.
Roy Barreras, the former senator and candidate of the La Fuerza party, announced this week that this would be his last electoral campaign. He said he would not run for office again, though he intends to stay in the race through the June 21st runoff. His motivation, he said, is to prevent the country's division and ensure the next government inspires confidence rather than fear. Vicky Dávila, a former presidential candidate and longtime editor of Semana magazine, has largely abandoned her own campaign to return to journalism. She lost a right-wing primary in March and agreed to support Valencia, as did other losing candidates like former minister Mauricio Cárdenas and ex-mayor Enrique Peñalosa. But Dávila reactivated her YouTube channel to conduct interviews rather than campaign. She sat down with Uribe, then—more surprisingly—with De la Espriella, whom she had publicly attacked during the primary for his ties to Alex Saab, a financier close to Nicolás Maduro. During that interview, she asked De la Espriella directly about the Saab connection. He denied it, saying he had not spoken to Saab in seven years.
Cepeda has faced criticism for his muted response to a scandal involving a party at the Itagüí prison in Antioquia, where criminal leaders who have been in dialogue with Petro's government were filmed celebrating. When asked about it, Cepeda said the prison authorities should handle the matter, but added: "Do not expect statements from me against the peace." Valencia and other candidates pounced. Sergio Fajardo, the centrist candidate, wrote that "Cepeda's silence is complicit and incoherent." Cepeda has also been reaching out to the center, calling on citizens who identify with the political middle to join his coalition—not as a "light center" of empty equilibrium, he said, but as a center with character and conviction. He has bolstered his campaign with international engagement, meeting twice with Mexican president Claudia Sheinbaum, and also with Spain's Pedro Sánchez and Brazil's Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The runoff is set for June 21st, and the race remains volatile.
Notable Quotes
My campaign has learned that the vice minister of the Ministry of Technologies of Information and Communications participated in a WhatsApp group to promote my electoral campaign, which I reject.— Iván Cepeda
The CIA now has real and concrete data about a possible attack on candidate Iván Cepeda.— President Gustavo Petro
On my first day in government, we will militarize the Cali-Popayan-Pasto highway so there is no more suffering, and my first call will be to President Noboa to say there is someone here to fight narcoterrorism.— Paloma Valencia
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why does Petro's claim about CIA intelligence matter if he offers no evidence?
Because it signals how the campaign is being fought. Petro controls the presidency and the state apparatus. When he makes an unsubstantiated claim about a threat to his own candidate, it shapes the narrative—it makes Cepeda look like the victim, even though Valencia and De la Espriella actually received death threats. It's a way of controlling the story.
But the polls show Cepeda losing in a runoff. If he's ahead now, what changes between the first round and the second?
Consolidation. Right now the right is split between Valencia and De la Espriella. In a runoff, all those voters coalesce. The center fragments—some go left, some go right. And Cepeda's base, which is solid, doesn't grow. He's at a ceiling.
Why did the Conservative Party move so quickly to Valencia?
Because they saw the writing on the wall. If they didn't pick a side, they'd be irrelevant. Valencia was winning the right-wing primary. Better to be inside that tent than outside it. It's about survival.
What does Cepeda's silence on the prison party actually reveal?
It reveals the tension at the heart of his campaign. He's running on Petro's peace agenda, but that agenda is controversial—it's given concessions to criminals. He can't attack it without attacking his own president. So he stays quiet. But silence reads as complicity to voters who are already skeptical.
Is the border crisis with Ecuador real or manufactured?
It's real—narcotrafficking is real, the tariff threat is real. But it's also an opportunity. For Valencia, it's a chance to look presidential and competent. For Petro, it's a headache he can't solve quickly. The crisis doesn't care about the campaign.