China is developing genuine cultural appeal while America squanders its goodwill
Wu Yize's snooker championship victory exemplifies China's emerging soft power, joining TikTok, cyberpunk architecture, and AI innovation as cultural exports gaining global traction. Southeast Asian elites now favor alignment with China over the US for the first time in eight years, while majorities in Germany, France, UK, and Canada prefer Chinese economic dependence.
- Wu Yize, 22, won the snooker world championship in Sheffield, becoming the second Chinese champion in consecutive years
- For the first time in eight years, Southeast Asian elites favor alignment with China over the US
- Majorities in Germany, France, Britain, and Canada now prefer economic dependence on China rather than the US
- Tesla's European sales collapsed in 2025; a London showroom closed and reopened as a Chinese EV showroom
- Modi's government approved fast-track Chinese technology investment after Trump imposed tariffs and made derogatory comments about India
China is expanding global influence through cultural exports and technology while US credibility erodes under Trump's protectionist policies, shifting geopolitical alignments in Asia, Europe, and Africa.
Wu Yize walked into the Crucible Theatre in Sheffield on a Monday afternoon in May, twenty-two years old, carrying the weight of a nation's sporting ambitions. When he defeated Shaun Murphy for the snooker world championship, he became only the second Chinese player ever to claim the title—Zhao Xintong had won it the year before. It was a moment that seemed to announce something larger than sport.
Wu had moved to Sheffield at sixteen with his father, living in a windowless apartment while he honed his craft on the green baize. Sheffield, once the steel capital of the world, had quietly become something else: the snooker capital. The sport now claims roughly 150 million fans in China. The British ambassador to Beijing installed a snooker table in his living room as a kind of tribute to this unexpected kinship between two nations.
But snooker is only part of the story. For decades, China struggled to project the kind of soft power that seemed to flow naturally from other Asian economies. Japan had manga. South Korea had K-pop. These cultural phenomena bubbled up from society itself, organic and irrepressible, in ways that government decree could never manufacture. Under the Communist Party's tight grip, China found itself outmatched in the realm of cultural magnetism. That calculus is shifting. TikTok, a Chinese platform, has become a global force for meme-making and cultural conversation. The city of Chongqing has captured international imagination with its cyberpunk architecture—railways cutting through buildings, a visual language that feels simultaneously futuristic and utterly strange. The phrase "a very Chinese moment in my life" went viral across social media, encompassing everything from wearing house slippers to drinking hot water. These are small things, but they accumulate.
Soft power and geopolitics are difficult to separate. The United States and the West prevailed in the Cold War partly because American society looked more attractive, more dynamic, more worth wanting than the Soviet alternative. The hunger for Levi's jeans and rock music behind the Iron Curtain was real and consequential. Now, as China develops genuine cultural appeal, the United States is squandering its own reserves of global goodwill. A survey of Southeast Asian elites published last month asked which power their nations should align with if forced to choose. For the first time in eight years of polling, a small majority chose China. Earlier this year, substantial majorities in Germany, France, Britain, and Canada said they would rather depend economically on China than on the United States—a striking reversal for traditional American allies.
The competition between Washington and Beijing increasingly centers on whose technological standards will shape the world's future. Will other nations adopt Chinese or American technology? Will Chinese electric vehicles dominate global markets? A country's image influences these decisions in ways that are hard to quantify but impossible to ignore. Tesla's European sales collapsed in 2025, widely attributed to founder Elon Musk's visible alignment with Donald Trump. A Tesla showroom in West London recently closed and reopened as a display space for the rapidly growing Chinese brands Omoda and Jaecoo.
American officials have long warned that adopting Chinese technology exposes nations to espionage and coercion. Years ago, the United States mounted an aggressive campaign to convince allies to reject Huawei's 5G infrastructure. Britain, among others, reversed course and abandoned the Chinese provider. But the credibility of such warnings has eroded. The United States now openly deploys economic coercion as a tool of statecraft, and European Union officials are instructed to carry disposable phones when traveling to America. The argument that China represents a unique threat to sovereignty rings differently in that context.
Meanwhile, Beijing is actively strengthening its soft power. Many Europeans can now travel to China without a visa. DeepSeek, a Chinese artificial intelligence company, released its model as open-source code, enabling rapid global adoption. Last week, China eliminated tariffs on imports from nearly every African nation—a stark contrast to Washington's announcement of 25 percent tariffs on European Union vehicles. The Trump administration has treated India, long considered crucial to containing Chinese influence, as an adversary, imposing high tariffs, praising Pakistan, and posting social media comments describing India as a "hellhole." In response, Modi's government announced it would fast-track approval for Chinese minority-stake technology investments in seven strategic sectors. The irony cuts deep: American warnings about economic dependence on China contain real truth. Beijing has shown both willingness and capability to weaponize its dominance over rare earths and critical minerals. To counter China's growing economic reach, the United States would need to rebuild international alliances and restore its own soft power. Without that work, Trump may find himself outmatched not in military might but in appeal.
Notable Quotes
For the first time in eight years of polling, a small majority of Southeast Asian elites chose China when asked which power their nations should align with— Elite opinion survey, Southeast Asia
China eliminated tariffs on imports from nearly every African nation, contrasting sharply with Washington's announcement of 25 percent tariffs on European Union vehicles— Beijing trade policy announcement
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why does a snooker championship matter in a story about geopolitics?
Because it's visible proof that China can create something the world wants to watch and admire. For decades, that was America's advantage. Now it's shifting.
But snooker is a niche sport. Does it really move the needle on how countries align?
Not by itself. But it's part of a pattern—TikTok, architecture, AI, visa policies. Together they create an image of China as dynamic and open, while America looks protectionist and fractured.
You mentioned Tesla closing in London. Is that really about Elon Musk and Trump?
Partly. But it's also about Chinese EVs being better and cheaper. The politics matter because they make people willing to choose alternatives they might have overlooked.
Why would India suddenly allow Chinese investment after Trump insulted Modi?
Because Trump's tariffs and rhetoric made India realize it can't depend on America. China offered something better: access and respect.
Is the American warning about Chinese espionage actually unfounded?
No. But it loses force when America is openly using economic coercion and surveilling its own allies. You can't warn others about a threat you're embodying yourself.
What does Trump need to do to reverse this?
Rebuild trust with allies, stop the tariffs, and make America look like a partner worth choosing again. Soft power takes time. He may not have it.