Trust and symbiosis between field marshal and prime minister
Once dismissed as a duplicitous partner and economic casualty, Pakistan has engineered a remarkable return to the center of global diplomacy, with its military chief Field Marshal Asim Munir emerging as a trusted interlocutor between Washington and Tehran. The country's willingness to share intelligence, demonstrate restraint in its confrontation with India, and shuttle between rival capitals reflects a deliberate strategy to recast itself as an indispensable actor in a volatile region. History reminds us that such reversals of fortune are rarely permanent — they are sustained only by the discipline to manage competing loyalties without being consumed by them.
- Pakistan's rehabilitation accelerated sharply when it handed over a suspect linked to the Kabul airport bombing, breaking years of mutual suspicion with Washington almost overnight.
- Field Marshal Munir's private White House lunch with Trump — unprecedented for a Pakistani military chief — signals that America has accepted the military as Pakistan's true seat of power.
- Pakistani diplomats are now actively shuttling between Tehran and Washington as mediators in the U.S.-Iran conflict, a role that would have been unimaginable just eighteen months ago.
- The balancing act is precarious: a new Saudi defence pact risks inflaming Pakistan's large Shi'ite population, while a fragile economy and an ongoing conflict with Afghanistan threaten to undercut the country's newfound credibility.
- Analysts caution that overplaying the mediator card — without simultaneously strengthening domestic institutions and the economy — could unravel Pakistan's diplomatic gains as quickly as they were made.
A year ago, Pakistan was treated as a liability by the international community — a country that had sheltered Osama bin Laden, allegedly harbored Taliban fighters, jailed its former prime minister, and teetered on the edge of economic collapse. Today, it is brokering ceasefire terms between the United States and Iran.
Two moments crystallized the turnaround. In early 2025, Pakistani authorities captured a suspect tied to the deadly Kabul airport bombing and immediately handed him to Washington, prompting public thanks from President Trump and a resumption of intelligence sharing. Then came a 90-hour military clash with India — a tense confrontation between nuclear-armed neighbors — after which Pakistan's leadership moved swiftly to involve the U.S. in de-escalation and nominated Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize. The message was deliberate: Pakistan was a responsible partner worth cultivating.
At the center of this transformation is Field Marshal Asim Munir, who lunched privately with Trump at the White House — the first Pakistani military chief to do so without civilian officials present. Trump calls him his "favourite field marshal." Munir has spoken repeatedly with Vice President JD Vance since the Iran conflict began, and Pakistani intermediaries have been relaying ceasefire terms as recently as this week. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has worked in parallel, meeting with Trump, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, while also signing a mutual defence pact with Riyadh.
This diplomatic renaissance is built on a frank acknowledgment of Pakistan's internal reality: the military holds ultimate power, and Washington has chosen to engage that power directly. The civil-military partnership between Munir and Sharif is, for now, holding firm — and both men are working it aggressively across summits, phone calls, and back channels.
Yet the risks are real and compounding. Pakistan's economy remains fragile despite an IMF agreement. Its Shi'ite minority — the country's second-largest religious community — could react badly to a deepening alliance with Sunni-led Saudi Arabia. India watches from the sidelines with undisguised frustration. And analysts warn that Pakistan must resist the temptation to overextend: its mediating role is only as durable as the domestic foundations beneath it. The country has moved from the margins to the center of regional diplomacy in months — whether it can remain there depends on choices being made now, behind closed doors.
A year ago, Pakistan was a pariah. American officials spoke of it with suspicion. The country had harbored Osama bin Laden until Navy SEALs found him there in 2011. It had allegedly sheltered Taliban fighters during two decades of war in Afghanistan. Its former Prime Minister Imran Khan sat in jail. The economy teetered on the edge of default. Then something shifted.
Today, Pakistan sits at the table where decisions about the Middle East are being made. Field Marshal Asim Munir, the country's military chief, has lunched alone with President Trump at the White House—a first for a Pakistani military leader without civilian officials present. Pakistani diplomats are shuttling between Tehran and Washington, trying to broker an end to the war between the U.S. and Iran. Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar hosted counterparts from Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt last month to discuss the same conflict. The transformation has been swift and, by most accounts, deliberate.
Two moments crystallized the turnaround. In March 2025, Pakistani authorities captured a suspect connected to the 2021 Kabul airport bombing, an attack that killed 170 Afghans and 13 American soldiers. They handed him over to the U.S. immediately. Trump thanked Pakistan publicly. Intelligence sharing resumed. Then in May, Pakistan and India clashed for 90 hours—a brief but tense military confrontation between nuclear-armed neighbors. Pakistan's military leadership, according to Foreign Office spokesperson Tahir Andrabi, showed "tremendous restraint" after successfully shooting down Indian fighter jets. The country moved quickly to involve the U.S. in de-escalation efforts. Both Munir and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif later nominated Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize. The message was clear: Pakistan was a responsible actor, a partner worth having.
Munir has become Trump's preferred interlocutor. The president calls him his "favourite field marshal." Munir was the only serving military chief at the World Economic Forum in Davos this year. He has spoken multiple times with Vice President JD Vance since the Iran war began. As recently as Tuesday, Vance was communicating through Pakistani intermediaries about ceasefire terms. Sharif, meanwhile, has held repeated meetings with Trump, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian. Pakistan signed a mutual defence agreement with Saudi Arabia last year. The diplomatic calendar is crowded.
This resurrection rests on a particular power structure. In Pakistan, even when civilians hold office, the military controls the real levers of power. Munir's approval is essential for any major government policy. Trump's decision to receive him alone at the White House was a signal that the American president understood and accepted this reality. Mosharraf Zaidi, Sharif's spokesperson, told Reuters that "if there is one factor above all that has fuelled the widening of diplomatic opportunity for Pakistan, it is the trust and symbiosis between the field marshal and prime minister." The civil-military alliance is holding. Both men are working the phones, attending summits, making deals. Pakistan is also balancing its relationships carefully—maintaining ties with China, its principal ally, while deepening engagement with Washington and the Gulf.
But the ascent comes with real risks. India, Pakistan's longtime rival, watches with frustration. Opposition lawmaker Shashi Tharoor complained that Pakistan, Egypt, and Turkey are now holding the peace talks while India, which has good relations with both the U.S. and Iran, gets no credit. Pakistan's economy, meanwhile, remains fragile despite an IMF deal struck 18 months ago. The country's second-largest religious community is Shi'ite—the same faith as Iran—and a deepening Saudi defence pact could spark domestic protests. Pakistan is also embroiled in its own conflict with Afghanistan, which intensified just before the U.S. and Israel struck Tehran.
Analysts warn that Pakistan is threading a needle that could easily fray. Uzair Yunus from The Asia Group notes that Islamabad must "continue to look inwards to bolster its own pillars of national power, especially its economy." It needs to build an integrated defence industrial complex with Saudi Arabia and Turkey. Arsla Jawaid from Control Risks cautions that "overplaying the mediator card could prove to be more damaging if not managed astutely." Pakistan must balance its role between Iran, its defence partnership with Riyadh, and relations with Washington amid a conflict that could be long and unpredictable. The country has moved from the margins to the center of regional diplomacy in a matter of months. Whether it can stay there without fracturing depends on decisions being made right now, in rooms we cannot see.
Citações Notáveis
If there is one factor above all that has fuelled the widening of diplomatic opportunity for Pakistan, it is the trust and symbiosis between the field marshal and prime minister.— Mosharraf Zaidi, Prime Minister Sharif's spokesperson
Overplaying the mediator card could prove to be more damaging if not managed astutely.— Arsla Jawaid, Control Risks analyst
A Conversa do Hearth Outra perspectiva sobre a história
How does a country go from being treated as a security threat to being invited to the White House for private lunches in just twelve months?
Pakistan didn't change overnight. It made two calculated moves—capturing that suspect from the Kabul bombing and then showing restraint during the India clash—that signaled to Washington it could be trusted. But the real shift was recognizing that Trump values direct relationships with power. Munir is where the power actually sits in Pakistan, so Trump met with him alone.
That's unusual, isn't it? A U.S. president meeting a foreign military chief without civilian officials?
Extremely. It's almost an admission that the American president understands Pakistan's real structure better than Pakistan's own civilians do. It also sends a message to Sharif and everyone else: we know who actually runs things here, and we're comfortable with it.
But doesn't that make Pakistan vulnerable? If Munir is the real power, what happens if he and Sharif disagree?
That's the bet everyone is making right now. Zaidi says there's "trust and symbiosis" between them, but trust is fragile. If that breaks, Pakistan's entire diplomatic position could collapse because it's built on both of them working in concert.
What about the domestic cost? You mentioned Shi'ite protests as a risk.
Pakistan's Shi'ite community is the second-largest in the world after Iran's. A defence pact with Saudi Arabia, which is fighting Iran, creates real tension at home. If Pakistan gets pulled deeper into that conflict, it could face serious internal backlash.
So Pakistan is betting it can mediate without taking sides?
That's the hope. But mediation requires credibility with both sides, and credibility with the U.S. and Saudi Arabia might come at the cost of credibility with Iran. It's a balance that gets harder to maintain the longer the war goes on.