They are terrified of November.
Trump's grip on Republicans weakens as senators block unpopular initiatives, including Iran war limitations and a $1B White House ballroom funded by taxpayers. Democrats lead Republicans 48.6% to 41% in congressional polling, Trump's approval at 39.8%, motivating GOP members to distance themselves from controversial proposals.
- Senate voted 50-47 to limit Trump's war powers in Iran; four Republicans defected
- Democrats lead Republicans 48.6% to 41% in congressional polling; Trump's approval at 39.8%
- Republicans tried to fund $1 billion White House ballroom; 56% of Americans disapprove
- Trump has toppled two House members and one senator through primary challenges; several others withdrew from reelection
- All House seats and one-third of Senate seats are up for election in November 2026
Trump encounters rare Republican resistance in Congress over unpopular policies, losing key votes on Iran war powers and facing internal party fractures as midterm elections approach with Democrats leading polls.
Donald Trump has spent his second term wielding the Republican Party like a cudgel. He has already toppled two House members and a senator who dared to criticize him, backing their primary challengers with money and endorsements. Several other congresspeople have simply withdrawn from reelection rather than face his wrath. It is a display of raw political power, and it has worked—until now.
In recent weeks, something unexpected has happened. Republican senators and representatives have begun openly resisting him. They have blocked his legislative priorities. They have voted against him on matters he cares deeply about. His approval rating has sunk to 39.8 percent, the lowest since he took office in January 2025. And the reason is simple: they are terrified of November.
Every House seat is up for grabs in the midterm elections. A third of the Senate will face voters. The political winds are blowing hard against Republicans. According to RealClearPolling, Democrats lead on congressional preference by 48.6 percent to 41 percent—the worst showing for Republicans since Trump's return to power. That gap is wide enough to flip control of Congress. For a Republican senator or representative worried about keeping their job, supporting an unpopular president is a luxury they can no longer afford.
The clearest example came in May, when the Senate voted to strip Trump's power to wage war against Iran without congressional approval. The vote was 50 to 47. Four Republicans crossed the aisle to join Democrats. It was a stinging rebuke—a president losing on a matter of war and peace. The House is expected to vote on the same measure in mid-June, and projections suggest several more Republicans will defect. If that happens, it will be a historic defeat for Trump. He has roughly three weeks to negotiate a deal with Iran before Congress potentially clips his wings. The Iranians know this. They are in no hurry to talk.
Other recent setbacks have piled up. Senator Thom Tillis held up the confirmation of Kevin Warsh as Federal Reserve chairman for weeks, demanding that Trump's Justice Department drop its investigation into Jerome Powell, the previous Fed chair. Tillis called it political persecution. Trump backed down. The investigation was shelved. Warsh was confirmed. It was a small victory for Tillis, but it showed that even Trump's leverage has limits.
Then there was the White House ballroom. Trump had promised it would be funded entirely by private donors. But Republicans in Congress tried to slip a billion-dollar request into a homeland security bill to cover the cost. Polling showed 56 percent of Americans disapproved of the project, while only 28 percent supported it. In a country where economic anxiety is at record levels, a luxury ballroom looked obscene. The request was withdrawn. It is unclear how the project will now be finished.
The Anti-Weaponization Fund has fractured the Republican caucus even further. Created by Trump's Justice Department without consulting Congress, the fund is designed to compensate Americans who claim they were victims of political persecution by the federal government. The problem is obvious: it could pay reparations to people convicted in the January 6 Capitol riot, and it could benefit Trump's allies and friends. It also closed all investigations into Trump's own tax irregularities. Police organizations have opposed it. Lawmakers from both parties have introduced bills to block it. The backlash has been so severe that it has frozen the congressional calendar.
A new immigration directive has also angered moderate Republicans and party donors. It would require people in the United States on tourist, student, or work visas to leave the country if they want to apply for permanent residency—a change from current practice. The Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, called it illogical and harmful to American workers and employers. More congressional pushback is likely.
Trump's campaign to destroy his enemies within the party has backfired in ways he did not anticipate. He has targeted seasoned politicians with deep relationships across the Republican establishment—people like Senator Bill Cassidy. The party worries that Trump's preferred candidates will lose general elections, making it harder to hold the majority. In Texas, Trump is backing a candidate tainted by allegations of abuse and corruption, even though a more electable senator, John Cornyn, is running. By breaking with sitting members of Congress, Trump has created a small but growing faction of Republicans willing to retaliate against him—at least until the new Congress takes office in January 2027.
Citas Notables
The measure is illogical and will harm Americans, their employees, employers, and families.— Cato Institute, on Trump's new visa directive
La Conversación del Hearth Otra perspectiva de la historia
Why would Republican senators vote against their own president on something as significant as war powers?
Because they are reading the same polls he is. Democrats are leading by seven points in the generic congressional ballot. That is a wave. A senator up for reelection cannot afford to be seen as rubber-stamping an unpopular president.
But Trump has shown he can destroy primary challengers. Why isn't that enough to keep them in line?
It works if you are worried about a primary. But if the general election looks like a bloodbath, a primary victory means nothing. And right now, the fundamentals suggest Republicans could lose the House and Senate.
What does Trump actually lose if Congress strips his war powers in Iran?
Flexibility. He loses the ability to act unilaterally. He would need to go back to Congress for authorization. The Iranians know this too—it gives them leverage in negotiations. They can simply wait out the clock.
The ballroom seems almost petty compared to war powers. Why did that matter enough to fight over?
Because it is a symbol. Americans are anxious about the economy. Fifty-six percent disapprove of spending a billion dollars on a luxury ballroom at the White House. It looks tone-deaf. Republicans saw that polling and ran.
What is the Anti-Weaponization Fund really about?
It is about Trump using government power to settle scores and protect himself. It could pay people convicted on January 6. It closed investigations into Trump's taxes. Even Republicans who have been loyal to him see the danger in that.
So what happens in November?
That is the question. If Democrats take the House, Trump loses his shield. If they take the Senate too, he loses his ability to appoint judges and cabinet members. The next three weeks are critical—not just for Iran negotiations, but for whether Trump can rebuild any coalition at all.